tivity could not be spared without entailing untold calamities upon the piety of the Christian world. But in order that the church may experience in any high degree the proper results of this reflex influence-in order that it may grow strong and vigorous under this discipline, it is needful that its charities should be bestowed with an eye single to God's glory-that there should be an heartfelt acknowledgment that it is his work, and that we are co-laborers with him. It it needful that we should cut off just as far as possible, all those motives which spring from a simple regard to the inspection of our fellow-men, and do whatever we do, out of sincere regard to God, and the obligations which he has imposed upon us. When once the church at large shall come into this position, the reflex influence of this work will be attended with advantages to the Christian world of incalculable weight and importance. Then for the first time, will the wisdom and beauty of God's plan, in calling the Church to these labors, be seen in their fulness.

It may have suggested itself to the mind of the reader, that a principle such as we have here advocated, would probably cut off those contributions which now to a very considerable extent come into the treasury of the Lord from men of the world connected with our congregations, and who could not be expected to give out of a purely religious motive like this. It may seem, in many respects, desirable to draw out their gifts by the force of inferior, and merely human motives, and afterward to employ the money thus gained for the glory of God. But this certainly is not far removed from a course which the apostle most explicitly condemns, viz: "doing evil that good may come." Besides, it becomes us to inquire, whether we do not lose in the end, even in respect to the pecuniary amount of the contribution, far more than we gain. If the men of the world were to be once made deeply sensible that a principle was at work in the hearts of Christians, which from year to year brought forth fruit steadily and abundantly, and which could by no possibility be classed with those principles which rule in the selfish and self-seeking world, the fact itself would make a most profound impression upon them, and lead them often to inquire wherein they themselves were lacking. A power would be at work, which in the long run, might consecrate a far larger amount of property to the service of the Lord than could ever be gathered by virtue of a rere human appeal. Truth reaches forth with a thousand hands, and strengthening itself on every side. It gathers force from secret sources continually. But error is weak even in respect to what seems her strength. Her supports are constantly failing her, even when she least expects it.

We have thus presented some of the main considerations going to show, that the great work of benevolence in which our churches are engaged, needs a thorough and radical reformation-that we cannot hope to develop the energy of these religious bodies, to any great extent, except by banishing the motives which are now so largely brought to bear upon them, and substituting in their stead, one which is more purely Christian, and which will be found safe and enduring. If any think these views visionary, let him ponder well the evils under which we now labor, and see if he can devise any way of escape from them. There is yet to be a great work done, in some form by the Church, in behalf of a world living in wickedness. The time will undoubtedly be long, according to our notions of time, before the earth will be fully redeemed unto Christ. It would seem to be possible to strike out some plan which shall not be attended with the embarrassments, the uncertainties, the weaknesses of those which are now in operation. It would seem possible to remove from our systems some portion of the friction which now greatly impedes and weakens their motion. Nature is simple in her laws, and all her movements are easy and harmonious. Man's arts and contrivances are often exceedingly complex and difficult, because they stop short of natural laws, and attempt to work in the face of them.

It is certainly deserving of our most serious attention, whether any improvement can be made in our present machinery for carrying on our great enterprises of benevolence. The subject is vast enough and important enough to enlist the thoughts of all the friends of the Redeemer. If this article shall serve to awaken the minds of Christian men to this topic, and lead to candid and earnest inquiry, it will have answered the end for which it was written,

ART. VII.-IMMIGRATION; ITS EVILS AND THEIR REMEDIES.

THE influence of foreigners among us has recently become the cause of much apparent alarm, and the theme of much remark. To guard against the supposed dangers, a residence of twenty-one years in the country before naturalization has

been proposed. In many respects this is an important topic in its civil, social, and religious bearings. Let us turn our attention to it, while we raise and answer questions touching it on three points: the extent; the nature; and the proposed remedy of this foreign influence.

1. What is the EXTENT of the Influence of Foreigners among us? This is mainly a question of figures and facts, instead of visions. By an abstract of the United States Census of 1850, it appears that the estimated number in the country of those of foreign birth was 2,460,000. For reasons given by De Bow in his compendium of the same census, this would appear to be an excessive estimate, and that 2,000,000 would be nearer to fact.

Now as the proposed remedy is to take effect mainly at the ballot-box, we need next to ascertain, as nearly as possible, how many of those of foreign nativity do actually visit the polls. The census returns, unfortunately, do not give us the number of naturalized foreigners in the country. De Bow, however, furnishes a datum that will suffice. His datum is, that sixty per cent. of all male foreigners among us are of legal age for voters. Let us use this basis. One-half of those of foreign birth, or 1,000,000, are males. Sixty per cent. of these, as of legal age for the rights of suffrage, will be 600,000. Supposing that one-half of these are voters, the entire foreign vote for 1850 could have been but 300,000. This would be less than one-tenth of the presidential vote of 1852. But this supposition is evidently too high. For while the entire vote for president in Massachusetts in 1852 was 132,936, there were 150,974 males of legal age, for voting, who did not vote-much more than one-half. True, this is above the ratio for the whole country of those of legal age not voting to those voting. But we are to consider that this fact pertains to natives, who would be far more likely to go to the poles than the foreign born. If then one-half the natives do not claim their natural rights, it is unreasonable to suppose that one-half of those alien born will purchase and use the elective franchise. Any one residing near a body of foreigners can easily satisfy himself on this point. But in place of impressions, certain official facts will give us an almost conclusive judgment how many of foreign nativity are actually voters.

In 1850 the foreign population of Boston was about one-half of the whole, while the foreign vote polled was only oneeleventh of the whole, and in 1845, the number of foreign males in the same city, of legal age, for being naturalized, was 9,763, while, in fact, only 1,623 were naturalized, or could vote

if they wished. And so, instead of one-half, only one-sixth were in position to act through the ballot-box. How far these facts are an index of the ratio of the foreign vote to the foreign population through the country, each one must judge. One thing is evident, he must reduce the 600,000 of lawful age very much. If we follow the above index we can take but one-sixth of them, or 100,000. But if the above ratio must be increased for the whole country, an assumption for which we see not sufficient reason, we will, for the sake of argument, and to make all concession to the alarmed, add fifty per cent. to the reasonable estimate already made, calling it 150,000. Is this body of foreign voters so formidable as to create just alarm, or call for extreme legislation? They would constitute less than one-twentieth of the voting body of the country in 1852. Consider, too, their scattered state: twelve per cent. of them being in the Eastern, nineteen in the Middle, one in the Southern, five in the Southwestern, and twelve in the Northwestern states. How can they essentially control and corrupt the elections, even if they strive for it? Is not our danger, therefore, from this source, greatly overrated? But it is urged that the nature of their influence is what constitutes its dangerous quality. This brings us to our next proposed inquiry. 2. What is the NATURE of the Influence of Foreignersa mong us? Here, again, let us part with fancies and join with facts. The alarmists on this question have presented the supposed danger from the nature of foreign influence in three aspects. We will notice each.

First. It has been assumed that the foreign influence is a consolidation against native policy and interests, and hence dangerous. To some little extent the foreign vote has been united. But not of its own spontaneous action. Native born politicians have, for a purpose, united foreign born votes on some foreign question, begotten to secure their suffrage. And yet even this union has been but provincial, and never national. On questions affecting national policy and interests, they have been divided much as the native born. And for obvious reasons. There is among those adopting our land as a home a tendency to assimilate. They come with the expectation of doing it, and social influences hasten the assimilation. Well let alone, therefore, they are naturally absorbed in the existing political parties. Moreover, as a body, the alien born among us are not homogeneous, and therefore cannot consolidate unless under the stern pressure of a policy that forces all foreigners into one proscriptive category. They are of different nations, speak different languages, and embrace conflicting

religions. Here is a natural antagonism to any formidable union among them. Barriers of their own erecting will keep them safely asunder, if we neither tempt nor force them to alliance. Take one issue as illustrative, the Common School Question; English and German Protestants can never unite with the Papists on this. We have reason to think that the fear of this foreign consolidation has been excited by designing and imprudent men who have made a strained and unguarded use of isolated facts gathered from the cities and larger towns. But suppose they could unite, despite their natural antipathies, they are but one-twentieth of the whole vote in a national canvass, and widely diffused through all the states of the Union. If we are too imbecile or corrupt to withstand such a force, we are already beyond the reach of any legislative scheme of redemption or preservation.

Secondly. The ignorance of the alien born among us has been made prominent as one cause of alarm. Ignorance in a republic is alarming. Does its extent in the case in question warrant alarm? Possibly on this point there has been a freer use of rhetoric than of arithmetic, and more capital based on figures of speech than on figures numeral. One thing is evident, there has been more indiscriminate aggregation than careful analysis in the parlance of the press and platform concerning the ignorance of our foreign population. The whole have been judged by a part, especially in eastern sections of the country, where the Irish have been predominant. But neither all, nor a major part of all of foreign nativity are what this generalizing judgment assumes. If a large part of the adult Irish, on arrival, are not able to read and write, the whole are not so. And all of the children under fifteen years, on landing, do not continue ignorant of letters, though the supposed danger and proposed remedy include them. At the age of twenty-one the most of them will be as well informed in the fundamentals of an English education as the native born. But all are not Irish, nor one-half of them. By the census of 1850 it appears that there were then in the country of foreign nativity, 278,675 English; 70,550 Scotch; 54,069 French; 10,549 Prussians; 573,225 Germans. For intelligence all these will compare favorably with the population of the Middle and Western states. Probably not one of those Prussians but can read and write. For in 1846, when the Prussian army numbered 122,897, there were but two of that entire host who could not read. And in the knowledge of letters, who can furnish a better basis for society than the Scotch? Or who will presume to charge the Germans, as a body, with ignorance?