Abraham Lincoln, Volume 2Houghton Mifflin, 1893 |
From inside the book
Results 1-5 of 65
Page 5
... measure , with very strong feeling . No matter how plausible the rea- son , they did not wish slavery to be touched at all . They could not say that this especial bill was wrong , but they felt that it was dangerous . Their protests ...
... measure , with very strong feeling . No matter how plausible the rea- son , they did not wish slavery to be touched at all . They could not say that this especial bill was wrong , but they felt that it was dangerous . Their protests ...
Page 10
... measures , which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal , are in- dispensable . " Further he said that already , by the operation of the Act of August 6 , numbers of per- sons had been liberated , had become dependent on the United ...
... measures , which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal , are in- dispensable . " Further he said that already , by the operation of the Act of August 6 , numbers of per- sons had been liberated , had become dependent on the United ...
Page 11
... measure , rightly construed as the entering point of the anti - slavery wedge , gave rise to bitter debates in both houses . The senators and representatives from the slave States mani- fested intense feeling , and were aided with much ...
... measure , rightly construed as the entering point of the anti - slavery wedge , gave rise to bitter debates in both houses . The senators and representatives from the slave States mani- fested intense feeling , and were aided with much ...
Page 12
... measure ultimately took was the enact- ment of an additional article of war , whereby all officers in the military service of the United States were " prohibited from using any portion of the forces under their respective commands for ...
... measure ultimately took was the enact- ment of an additional article of war , whereby all officers in the military service of the United States were " prohibited from using any portion of the forces under their respective commands for ...
Page 13
... measure so sig- nificant , and so defended , debate waxed hot , so that one gentleman proposed that the bill should be sent back to the Committee with instructions not to report it back " until the cold weather . " The irritation and ...
... measure so sig- nificant , and so defended , debate waxed hot , so that one gentleman proposed that the bill should be sent back to the Committee with instructions not to report it back " until the cold weather . " The irritation and ...
Other editions - View all
Common terms and phrases
abolition Abolitionists administration afterward amid Andrew Johnson anti-slavery April battle better Cabinet campaign cause Chase coln command compensated emancipation Comte de Paris condition Confederacy Confederate Congress Constitution Copperheads declared Democrats dent election emancipation enemy fact Federal feeling fight force Fredericksburg Fremont friends Governor Grant Greeley Halleck Harper's Ferry Hooker hostility House issue Jackson James River Jefferson Davis judgment July Lee's army less Lincoln loyal March matter McClellan McDowell McDowell's Meade measure ment military move negroes never North Northern once opinion party passed peace persons political position Potomac President President's proclamation purpose question rebel rebellion reconstruction Republican Richmond River save the Union scheme Secretary seemed Senate sent Seward Shenandoah Valley Sherman slavery slaves soldiers soon South Southern success Thaddeus Stevens tion took troops Union army United Vallandigham victory Virginia votes war Democrats Washington York Tribune
Popular passages
Page 128 - Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.
Page 314 - If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge...
Page 20 - Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.
Page 312 - At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.
Page 129 - We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which,...
Page 107 - If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any ono in doubt.
Page 107 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 259 - And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he became a captain over them: and there were with him about four hundred men.
Page 315 - I have produced ; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world.
Page 205 - You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said — if so much — is that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that, by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy...