PLATFORM OF THE NORTHERN RADICALS.

573

from that of Baltimore, excepting in the addition of a passage in the fifth resolution, hereafter to be noticed, and of the two following clauses, viz.:

"12. That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious States belongs to the people through their representatives in Congress, and not to the Executive.

"13. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a measure of justice."

It is to be remarked, that even this radical platform omits the imposition of extra-constitutional conditions precedent upon the revolted States as requisite to their readmission into the Union even in respect to the institution of slavery; and that its fifth clause relies upon an amendment to the Constitution alone, as a means of accomplishing the object; that clause being in these words:

"5. That the rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Constitution should be amended to prohibit its re-establishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.”

The reader will not fail to note how subordinate and obscure a position in this platform was assigned to the demand for negro suffrage and citizenship, which afterwards was made so prominent a feature in the policy of the Radicals.

Thus, if we look to the written terms in which the issues of parties were made up, they were as follows: The Conservatives demanded reconstruction on the sole, simple basis of the Constitution as it was. The Government party demanded a formal abolition of slavery by the revolted States as a condition precedent to restoration. The Radicals demanded-if we look to their legislation in Congress-the three conditions of the abolition of slavery by the States, the disfranchisement of the leading rebels, and the repudiation of the rebel debt; and if we look to their Cleveland platform, they demanded that the whole question of reconstruction should be left to the people of the North, through their representatives in the sectional Congress, that the lands of the rebels should be confiscated, and that "equality before the law" should be secured to all men.

On paper, the more ready and natural affiliation of parties would seem to have been between the Conservative and the Government parties; and the real antagonism to have been between the Radical party on one side, and the Government party and Conservatives, combined, on the other; and this might possibly have been the division, if the war had been already terminated. For it was apparent, even as early as the summer of 1864, that such would really become the dividing line of parties, when the questions of reconstruction should come immediately up for practical decision. But the election ante-dated reconstruction by more than a year; and the

contest of parties turned, of course, upon the transactions of the war, rather than upon the conditions and results of a peace still unconquered.

The written issues of the canvass were therefore little considered. The debates hung and dwelt upon the usurpations of the Executive, and the revolutionary spirit, policy, and purposes of the party in power. These being the subject of respective assault and defence, the array of parties remained as during the war; the Conservatives and Democrats on one side; the Radical and Administration Republicans, on the other. The prosecution and defence proceeded upon the indictment embodied in the fourth resolution of the Democratic platform, "that the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrests, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State Rights; the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defence, are calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union, and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed.”

The eloquence of the orators who made appeal against these high crimes, was worthy of the cause for which they stood. Some of the orations delivered on the inspiring theme equal, if they do not surpass, in power and pathos, any that were ever before delivered in vindication of human rights and in defence of constitutional liberty. No papers, in the political history of this country, exceed, in dignity of style, in power and cogency of argument, in thrilling interest of narration, in sternness of arraignment, in intensity of patriotic appeal and indignation, some of the papers that were put forth by the supporters of Gen. McClellan. But the weight of power and patronage proved sufficient to overbalance that of patriotism and reason.

It is not necessary to go further into the details of the canvass; and the reader will already anticipate its conclusion. The election of McClellan, of which there had been some probability in the midsummer of 1864, became impossible, in view of the rapid military successes of the North, which never failed to draw new adherents to Mr. Lincoln's Administration; illustrating how little there was of steadfast principle in party organizations in the North, and how much of political opposition gave way to the views of expediency and the persuasions of time-service. The "electoral necessity" at Washington for victories in the field was amply fulfilled. The canvass of 1864 concluded in the election of Abraham Lincoln by the vote of every Northern State, except Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey.

ANALYSIS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL VOTE OF 1864.

575

But in the analysis of the popular vote there was yet some encouragement. It stood twenty-two hundred thousand for Mr. Lincoln, eighteen hundred thousand for Gen. McClellan. Although too small for victory, the conservative vote was much larger than had been expected by reflecting men, after the fall of Atlanta, the reverses of Hood, and the success of Sherman. Under all the adverse circumstances under which the vote was given, it was creditable to the party which made the contest, and encouraging for the cause of constitutional liberty. It was given just after decisive reverses had befallen the Confederate cause, in the moments of victory and exultation, at a time the most propitious that could have been chosen by the war party, and the most unpropitious conceivable for the peace party. The election had occurred just at the time when the idea prevailed that a popular vote in favour of the war party would fall as a finishing blow upon the already exhausted and prostrate Confederacy; and that a vote in favour of the peace party would cheer the South to put forth renewed effort in the hope of securing the most favorable terms of peace. The adverse vote was not, therefore, a deliberate judgment of a majority of the Northern people against the principles of constitutional liberty. A large number of the men who helped to cast that majority vote were actuated by motives of expediency, thinking to save the Union first, and leaving it for a more eligible occasion to vindicate their attachment to constitutional principles. Thus, the victory of the Constitution was postponed ; and its triumph reserved for another and uncertain time.

CHAPTER XXXV.

AN INTRIGUE IN RICHMOND AGAINST GEN. JOHNSTON.

EVIDENCE OF IT.-GEN. BRAGG'S VISIT TO ATLANTA.-REMOVAL OF GEN. JOHNSTON FROM COMMAND.-THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA. -ENGAGEMENTS OF THE 20TH, 22D, AND 28TH JULY.-SHERMAN'S DESIGNS ON THE MACON ROAD.-UNSUCCESSFUL RAIDS OF STONEMAN AND M'COOK.-HOOD'S GREAT MISTAKE. HE SENDS OFF HIS CAVALRY TOWARDS CHATTANOOGA. SHERMAN MOVES ON THE MACON ROAD.-DEFEAT OF HARDEE AT JONESBORO'.— -HOOD EVACUATES ATLANTA, AND RETREATS TO LOVEJOY'S STATION.-SHERMAN'S OCCUPATION OF ATLANTA.—HIS ORDER FOR ITS DEPOPULATION.-ATROCIOUS CHARACTER OF THIS MEASURE.-THE FALL OF ATLANTA A SERIOUS DISASTER FOR THE CONFEDERATES.-VISIT OF PRESIDENT DAVIS TO THE MILITARY LINES IN GEORGIA.-HIS SPEECH AT MACON.-HE BETRAYS TO THE ENEMY THE NEW MILITARY DESIGN.-HOOD'S NEW MOVEMENT TO TENNESSEE.-SHERMAN FOLLOWS TO GAYLESVILLE.—HE TURNS BACK AND DETERMINES TO TRAVERSE THE STATE OF GEORGIA TO THE SEA.-HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH GRANT.-HOW THE ENTERPRISE WAS A PLAIN ONE.-NO PERIL OR GENIUS IN IT.-ERRORS OF THE HOOD-DAVIS STRATEGY.— HOOD'S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN. HE LOSES THE GREAT OPPORTUNITY OF THE CAMPAIGN AT SPRING HILL.-SCHOFIELD EFFECTS A RETREAT TO FRANKLIN.-BATTLE OF FRANKLIN. -HEROIC CONDUCT OF THE CONFEDERATE TROOPS.-REMARKABLE LOSS AMONG THEIR GENERAL OFFICERS.-BATTLE OF NASIIVILLE.-GEN. GRANT'S FEARS THAT HOOD WOULD INVADE KENTUCKY.-PROBABLE EFFECT OF SUCH A MOVEMENT.-THE ENEMY'S PLAN OF BATTLE. THE SECOND DAY'S FIGHT.-HOOD'S ASSURANCE OF VICTORY.-A CONFEDERATE BRIGADE GIVES WAY BEFORE A SKIRMISH LINE OF THE ENEMY.-A DISGRACEFUL PANIO AND ROUT.-HOOD ESCAPES ACROSS THE TENNESSEE RIVER.HIS LOSSES. THE WHOLE SCHEME OF CONFEDERATE DEFENCE TERMINATED WEST OF THE ALLEGIANIES.

GEN. LEE had moved from the Rapidan to Richmond, with an increase of reputation at each stage of the retreat. It is curious that when Gen. Johnston moved from the Northern frontier of Georgia to Atlanta, even with greater success, he should not have experienced similar tokens of approbation. The fact was that he was the subject of a deep intrigue in Richmond, to displace him from the command of an army, whose affections and confidence he had never ceased to enjoy; and even while he was moving in the march from Dalton, his removal from command was secretly entertained in Richmond. There is a certain delicate evidence of this, which the historian should not spare. While the march referred to was in

THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA.

577

progress, a letter written by Gen. J. B. Hood to one who was supposed to have more than an ordinary concern, an affectionate interest in his career, declared then his confident anticipation of being soon elevated from the position of corps commander to the head of the Army of Tennessee. There was other evidence of the intrigue in Richmond. Gen. Bragg, the “military adviser" of President Davis, visited Johnston in his lines around Atlanta; never apprised him that his visit was of an official nature; put together everything he could to make a case against Johnston, and returned to Richmond with the alarming report that he was about to give up Atlanta to the enemy! Of this nonsense Gen. Johnston has written: "The proofs that I intended to hold Atlanta are, the fact that under my orders the work of strengthening its defences was going on vigorously, the communication on the subject made by me to Gen. Hood, and the fact that my family was in the town. That the public workshops were removed, and no large supplies deposited in the town, as alleged by Gen. Bragg, were measures of common prudence, and no more indicated the intention to abandon the place than the sending the wagons of an army to the rear, on a day of battle, proves a foregone determination to abandon the field."

But the Presidential fiat was to go forth in the face of all facts. On the night of the 17th July it was known in the Army of Tennessee, that a despatch had been received from Richmond, removing Johnston from command, and appointing in his place Gen. J. B. Hood. The news struck a chill in the army, such as no act or menace of the enemy had ever done. To Sherman it was the occasion of new spirit. When he heard that Hood was to be his future antagonist, he jumped to his feet, made a significant motion around his forefinger, and exclaimed: "I know that fellow."

Gen. J. B. Hood had been appointed by President Davis as "a fighting General," and was prompt to vindicate the cheap reputation that had procured for him such a command. With some reinforcements from the Southwest and levies of Georgia militia, Gen. Hood had now under his command an effective force of forty-one thousand infantry and artillery, and ten thousand cavalry. With reference to other Confederate forces in the field, his army was a large one, although it gave him but little margin for fanciful attacks and useless sacrifice of life.

THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA.

As Sherman approached Atlanta, two of his corps had swung around upon the Augusta road, destroying this line of communication, while Thomas took his command across Peach Tree Creek, directly in front of the Confederate entrenchments. While the enemy's right on the creek