at Atchison, Troy, Leavenworth, and other towns near the border. His reputation grew. The principles upon which he had founded his arguments against Douglas formed the basis of growing proclamation.

Having swung so far to the forefront in the intense struggle, he began to be talked of in connection with the Republican nomination for the Presidency. To be classed with Seward, Chase and other celebrities of the day, must have stimulated the energies of a man far less ambitious for distinction than Abraham Lincoln. Yet he was not done measuring his own genius for the task which he saw clearly would be laid upon the shoulders of him who should be elevated to that office.

To one man who proposed his name, he said, "I beg that you will not give it further mention. Seriously, I do not think I am fit for the Presidency."

But the people of Illinois had already decided to propose him for the high office, whether he was willing or not.

In October, 1859, he had received from New York City an invitation to deliver a lecture and he had accepted, notifying the committee that his speech would deal entirely with political questions. He fixed a day in February as the most convenient time.

Chapter XIV

AT COOPER INSTITUTE

M

R. LINCOLN'S preparation for his appearance in New York was diligent and exhaustive. His immediate efforts covered the records of the facts of the Framers of the Constitution upon every occasion when the subject of slavery was up. But the preparation did not commence there. It had comprised the best thoughts and aspirations of his whole existence. He had arrived at positive conviction on those principles which he enunciated with such clarity and force in the Cooper Institute. This may be seen from previous utterances. Speaking at Leavenworth in the fall of the preceding year he addressed the Democrats as follows:

"But you Democrats are for the Union; and you greatly fear the success of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your own statement of it is that if the Black Republicans elect a President you 'won't stand it.' You will break up the Union. That will be your act, not ours. To justify it you must show that our policy gives you just cause for such desperate action. Can you do that? When you attempt it, you will find that our policy is exactly the policy of the man who made the Union-nothing more, nothing less. Do you really think you are justified to break up the

Government rather than have it administered as it was by Washington? If you do, you are very unreasonable, and more reasonable men cannot and will not submit to you. While you elect Presidents, we submit, neither breaking nor attempting to break up the Union. If we shall constitutionally elect a President, it will be our duty to see that you also submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against a State. We cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if we constitutionally elect a Presdent, and, thereafter, you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you as Old John Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty. We hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to render such extreme measures necessary."

How far-seeing Lincoln was, is shown here with flawless logic. His sympathies must have been with the impulse of John Brown, but his veneration of the Constitution compelled him to condemn his act. Had he done otherwise, he would have had no firm footing for his later decision in judging the acts of the slave states when they performed a likewise violent act against the Constitution.

In a speech made at Columbus, Ohio, in answer to Douglas, he addressed himself directly to Kentuckians. After showing them that Douglas was as sincerely and quite as wisely for them as they were for themselves, he told them that they must take Douglas for their Presidential candidate under any circumstances or be defeated, and that it was possible, if they did take him, that they might be beaten. He told them what the opposition proposed to do with them in case it should succeed in the approaching Presidential contest.

Through it all runs that broad magnanimity which then as at all future stages of the great conflict, marked him as a man with love for men, on whatever side of a controversy they might have cast their lots. Addressing himself directly to the Kentuckians, he said:

"I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls when we have a chance the white ones, I mean-and I have the honor to inform you that I once did have a chance that way.

"I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know now, when that thing takes place, what you mean to do. I often hear it intimated that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican or anything like it is selected President of the United States."

(A Voice): "That is so!"

""That is so,' one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian?"

(A Voice): "He is a Douglas man."

"Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do

with your half of it. Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep right alongside of us outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build a wall some way between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you think you can better yourselves on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that come hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men as live; that you fight as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown. yourselves capable of this on various occasions; but man for man you are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers than you I think you could whip us; if we were equal it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will make nothing by attempting to master us."

Lincoln never would absolve the men of the South from their blood brotherhood with him and those he represented. He would not concede that they were personal enemies. Their claims that human slavery was right, he did deny, but even then, he was willing to accede to them all that the Constitution gave them and trust to time to bring about the final extinction of bondage confined, as it was confined by the Constitution, to the original slave States. He loved men while hating the evil that blinded their eyes to truth and