interest of Great Britain. If there is a prin- upon the spot. Colonel Neale may have had ciple in which Great Britain is interested, it private instructions which he has misinteris that of restraining war within the rules by preted. Seamen with shell whistling through which civilization has tempered its inevitable their rigging and their comrades falling fast miseries, and that principle has in this case are not expected to reason with philosophic been thrust aside. If there is a source of coolness, or even much humanity. But if power which Great Britain possesses apart Englishmen sitting in comfort at home, from shells and bayonets, it is her steady ad- chuckling over the vast expenditure they have vocacy of the claim of human beings to be ex-incurred in order to avoid the very suffering empt from causeless slaughter. That influence they have inflicted on the Japanese, sanction will by this catastrophe be utterly destroyed. the burning of Kagosima, their remonstrances Whether Admiral Kuper be innocent or guilty, innocent of all but the heartlessness of his despatches, or guilty of firing upon an unarmed town, the broad fact will still remain. Great Britain in order to punish an individual assassin,-for the Tycoon had apologized and paid for the official wrong,has fired a vast and peaceful city, destroyed the commercial sources of wealth of a whole province, slaughtered human beings by the thousand-for thousands must have perished in that conflagration which, says the admiral who produced it, "burnt with unabated ardor for forty-eight hours," --and reduced a population equal to that of a first-class European city to the certainty of beggary and the imminent risk of starvation. There may be excuses to be made for all those against cruelty, hitherto so operative, must cease for very shame. Opinion will cease to be executive on the one subject on which it is unquestionably righteous and beneficial. Who listens to gospels preached by men whose hands are stained with blood? Even Berg did not bombard Warsaw because his spy was assassinated, even Mouravieff does not erase cities to punish a single murderer. There is one test beyond these which every Englishman can apply, and by which he can try the character of this "victory" in Japan. If Abraham Lincoln has the humor to remonstrate with Earl Russell on behalf of humanity and civilization, is there one of us who could venture to say that scathing repartee was not substantially just? tical way. If a false and unfair system of interpretation has been applied to the text of Scripture, the best way of confuting it is to apply a true and legitimate one. The honor of originating the plan is due to the Speaker of the House of Commons, who consulted several of the bishops on the subject, and the Archbishop of York, at his instance, undertook to organize a plan for producing a commentary which should "put the reader in full possession of whatever information may be requisite to enable him to understand the word of God, and supply him with satisfactory answers to objections resting upon misrepresentation of its contents." The plan has received the sanction of the primate. A committee, consisting of the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of London, Lichfield, Llandaff, Gloucester, and Bristol, Lord Lyttelton, the Speaker, Mr. Walpole, Drs. Jacobson and Jeremie, takes the general supervision of the work. The Rev. F. C. Cook, preacher at Lincoln's Inn, will be the general editor, and will advise with the Archbishop of York and the Regius Professors of Divinity at Oxford and Cambridge upon any questions which may arise. From The Saturday Review, 7 Nov. THE EMPEROR'S SPEECH. THE Speech for which Europe has so long been listening has been spoken, and the world now knows what solution of the difficulties that press on him has been accepted by the emperor. He returns again to that favorite project of a Congress to which he has so often turned as the readiest escape from his embarrassments. A Congress is, in fact, a war without expense or bloodshed, and one in which France expects to play as great a part as if cannon were really sounding and regiments were being hurried to the frontier. That which the leaders in a Congress bring to bear upon their rivals and subordinates is the influence of definite lines of policy and the tacit menace of force. The end of a Congress is to arrive at that settlement of affairs to which the nations that fought would be led if war broke out. In this great discounting of the chances of a possible war, France would have the opportunity of establishing even a greater supremacy than she could hope for through an actual conflict. She would come on the stage with a sort of recognized right of interference in every direction. She is the friend of Italy and of Poland, she is the benefactress of Austria, and she is the terror of Prussia. She alone of the great powers has with her the strength of the revolutionary party, and yet, apart from the Polish difficulty, she is the most intimate ally of Russia. No one dreams for a moment of dismembering France, and France can bring into the field the largest and best army in Europe. All the questions, therefore, that a European Congress would have to discuss would be those which France chose to start; they would assume the shape which France pleased to give them; and the powers that brought them to a conclusion distasteful to France would cach have to reckon the cost of incurring such displeasure as France might treasure up. Above all, in a Congress, England sinks, if not into a secondary power, at any rate, into a power that is scarcely the equal of France. So long as the open and informal discussion is going on which, in ordinary times, precedes political action in Europe, England has all the vast importance and influence that is attached to the only centre of free discussion. France is obliged to wait until either argument and reason have determined the policy of England, or until a burst of popular passion shows that England will go to war at all hazards. During the whole course of the frightful and tedious struggle in America, England has determined the action of France. England has upheld, or altered, or created the rules of international law that suit her. England has restrained France from recognizing the Southern Confederacy. England has first imagined for herself, and has then imposed on the rest of the world, the neutrality that she thought reasonable and prudent. In the diplomatie struggles for Poland-which, as the emperor honestly confesses, have as yet done Poland so little good, and in which England has occupied a very unsatisfactory position-it has still been the hesitation of England that has averted war, and the influence of Eng land that has guided Austria. But when a Congress meets, the powers of Europe no longer hear the voice of the English nation; they have merely to do with an English nobleman, generally a man of moderate abilities, timidly anxious to please his superiors, very proud of his temporary importance, and very willing to think as emperors and kings wish he should think. As it is known that England will engage in no continental war, except in the last extremity, this amiable diplomatist has next to nothing to do except to distribute his moral support as nearly in accordance with his instructions as he can; and he and his gentle distributions of moral support play a very secondary part when France and Russia are bargaining for Poland, and France and Austria are bargaining for Italy. Therefore, it cannot be wondered at that the emperor should like European Congresses, and turn to them with the greatest satisfaction in his hours of anxiety. He feels that he is even more supreme there than he is when he is addressing his own Legislative Assembly, elected mainly by his prefects, and liable to be dismissed into the streets any moment if he nods to his soldiery; for in his Assembly he dictates to a people whom he has conquered with grape-shot and bayonet, but in the Congress he dictates to Europe without having had the trouble of conquest. But although England has no reason to love these Congresses, it will not be from England that any opposition will come. It will not be for us to hesitate, who are always preaching the doctrine of moral influence, who want peace to reign, and the anomalies of the European system to be quietly and not possibly lay the foundations of peace. quickly redressed. Nor have we any right To persuade Austria and Russia to enter it to be moved by any mean jealousy of France, requires all the influence which alternate or any petty disinclination to recognize the threats and blandishments can give the emposition which the emperor has achieved. It peror. He certainly is not sparing of the is a great thing for him and for France that former, for he proclaims that he insists on a he should be able to say openly before the Congress, and that France speaks through world that the treaties of 1815, framed to re- him; and he certainly is not sparing of the strain and depress France, are at an end. It latter, for he announces that he has just preis also a great thing for him and for France sented the house of Hapsburg with a new that he should hold in his hands the issues empire, and he tells the world that Russia is of peace and war, and should be able so so intimate and dear an ally of his, that it largely to determine the fate of Europe. But was Russia who supported him through the we know that he is able to tear up the Trea- trying hour when he annexed Nice and Savoy. ties of Vienna, and to dictate the policy of But if Russia refuses to enter a Congress, Europe, simply because all the other great to enter which must be a virtual avowal of European powers spent the precious interval defeat, it is difficult to see what remains but of peace which was purchased by the Treaties war. The emperor's speech is so constructed of Vienna in one long, stupid, sullen abuse that everything leads up to the final issue in of physical force; because Austria ground which Russia is asked to choose whether war Italy into the dust; because Prussia deadened or peace shall be the lot of Europe. The new the soul of Germany; and because Russia deputies are welcomed on their arrival to disfascinated herself and her neighbors with the charge the duties they have taken on themspectacle of her magnificent but barbarous selves; but they are reminded that they have despotism. It is impossible for Englishmen all sworn fidelity to the emperor, that the to refuse to see that the present importance policy of the empire must be well known, for of France in continental Europe is not only that it has lasted eleven years with the approa fact that refuses to be hid, but is in many bation of France, and that the emperor is respects salutary and deserved. It is France still supreme, and all expressions of dissent that has broken the sway of that dismal reign from his system are mere trifling outbursts of order in Europe, under which the life of of local petulance. Europe is then invited the European nations was gradually rotting to remember that France has grown powerful away. But whether the great nations of the and rich during the years of the empire, that Continent will accede to the proposal of a Con- new railways and harbors are being opened gress is a very different matter. Russia might every day, that the utmost care is taken to possibly agree if all the rest of Europe were adjust taxation so that the burden may fall unanimous, and all the rest of Europe will as lightly as possible, and that France is so follow the lead of France if Austria consents. rich and great that she has been able actually But a Congress raises great difficulties for to conquer, hold, and transfer Mexico, and to Austria. The emperor says significantly that build up a power in the Eastern seas, withthere are important questions to be settled out exceeding her income, or being obliged to in the south of Europe as well as in the ask for a loan. It is this country-so wealthy, north; that is, in plain language, that Aus- so vigorous, so at one with itself, so satisfied tria, if she goes into the Congress, must sub- with its ruler, to whom the remains of ancient mit to hear all the arguments, peaceful and opposing parties have now sworn fidelitywarlike, that could induce her to cede Vene- that Russia must be prepared to defy, if she tia to Italy and take something else instead. insists on war. It is this country, the founRussia, also, will know that, if she agrees to a tain of wealth to so large a portion of the Congress, it can have no practical and peace- Continent, which holds in her hands the ful result, unless she agrees either to cede guiding-strings of so vast an amount of EuroWestern Poland to some other power, or to pean enterprise, which can blight European hold it on the condition of administering her industry if she goes to war, and call out all internal affairs under the supervision of for- the springs of a peaceful activity if she bids eign powers. Unless a Congress gave hope the world be at rest, that the other European to Poland and gave Venetia to Italy, it could nations will slight and provoke if they do not do their utmost to force Russia into a Con- | momentous, it is highly important that the gress. Nor is Russia permitted to doubt politician who seeks to guide the public should what France would claim for Poland if a Congress were to meet. The emperor solemnly avows, what has long been notorious, that Poland is dear to France, and that it is the strong call of the French people for support to Poland that has forced him to risk the Russian alliance which he prized so highly. He also proclaims that the nation which in the eyes of Russia is a nation of rebels is in his eyes fighting for a right grounded on history and treaties. Will Russia at the eleventh hour yield to this strong appeal to her fears and her discretion? If she does, and if Austria admits that there are grave questions waiting for solution in the South as well as in the North, then the emperor may have the triumph he long ago pictured to himself, and may trace out a new map of Europe without a life being lost. But if Russia acts as her pride will prompt her, and declines to own that she is beaten without having fought, then the emperor can scarcely abandon a cause which, as he acknowledges, touches the heart of France so deeply, and will be slow to own that he has spoken in the name of France and has spoken in vain. From The Press, 7 Nov. AFTER a long interval of suspense, silence has been broken, and the oracle has uttered its mysterious response. The rumors, the hopes, and the fears that have for some time past agitated the public mind of Europe, if not actually set at rest, have received the impatiently desired solution; and those who still persist in speculating upon Napoleon's policy must restrict their surmises to his intentions, not to his words, as they have been already uttered, constituting a topic of general discussion. His language may probably not be sufficiently explicit to restore confidence in all quarters, and the interpretation of what he has spoken will be as keenly criticised and discussed as anticipations respecting the tenor of the expected speech and its tendencies, whether in favor of peace or war, have been up to the present time. Now, however, that the speech has been delivered, the controversy enters upon another phase, and the question upon every tongue is-What does it really mean? observe the strictest impartiality. He must occupy a neutral position between those indiscreet friends who applaud everything that Napoleon says and does and those intemperate opponents who condemn with as little discrimination or sense of justice. Considering it in an independent spirit, we are inclined to regard the speech as in some respects satisfactory; and though it contains admissions calculated to excite grave apprehensions, we believe that the good elements prevail over the bad. Devoting his attention at first to domestic affairs, the emperor was able to con gratulate the legislative bodies that, in spite of stagnation in an important branch of industry, progress had been maintained; that foreign competition had not produced the evil results predicted by those who feared the change, as the exports during the first eight months of 1863 showed an increase of 233,000.000 francs over those of the same period in 1862, and shipping an increase of 175,000 tons. He was, moreover, enabled to add that agriculture was flourishing and food cheap, that public works had been actively carried on, and, what is still more important, the reve nues had followed a continuous rise, so that the expenses caused by the wars in CochinChina and Mexico had been met without having resort to extraordinary credits. The emperor having next explained that on account of the session commencing at an earlier period than customary, the Finance Minister's report had not been published, promised its speedy production; and then enumerated several reforms, amongst which the proposal to modify the law on joint-stock companies, and a bill, the object of which was, as he said, " to increase the powers of the general and communal councils, and to remedy the excess of centralization—in fact, to simplify administrative formalities," are the most important to be presented to the Chamber for consideration. A passing reference to Algeria and the ancient colonies of France, eommendation of the new Credit Institutions, and the admission that further efforts for the education of children-nearly 600,000, as he admitted, being still devoid of instruction-brought the purely domestic portion of the address to a close. Though this branch of the subject may be In attempting to decide upon a matter sol of paramount interest to his own people, the anxiety displayed in other countries, and more | lated to create misgiving, and it is only in particularly in England, is to obtain some def- dealing with the Polish question that Napoinite notion of the principles by which his leon's tone undergoes a change. Indeed, his foreign policy is guided. It is therefore the first utterance on that perilous topic must latter portion of the address, dealing with cause pain to his sincerest admirers. Having questions of this character, that engrosses the declared that when the insurrection burst attention of the British public, and it would forth the Governments of France and of Rusbe vain for us to attempt to conceal the fact sia were on the most friendly terms, this danthat it is not in all points so satisfactory as we gerous admission follows: "Since the conmight desire. Though his words are not per-clusion of peace they were always agreed haps calculated to create alarm lest a sudden upon the great European questions, and I do disruption of peace should ensue, still they not hesitate to declare so. During the war are capable of being construed in an unfa- in Italy, as well as at the time of the annexvorable manner, and the emperor's antece-ation of Nice and of Savoy, the emperor gave dents almost justify the belief that such un-me his most sincere and cordial support." favorable interpretation furnishes the key to Though this was well enough known in Enghis actual intentions. Commencing with the land, yet it has never before been avowed, war in America, to which the emperor makes and it completely justifies the charge that, in but casual reference,-not affording the slight- seeking to gain the favor of Russia during est hint of his intentions, he passes on to the the Crimean war, Napoleon secured for her Mexican and Chinese expeditions, which he more favorable terms of peace than she could distinctly declares were brought about by the otherwise have obtained, and in order to do force of circumstances, and were not the re- this sacrificed England-his most trusty ally, sult of any premeditated plan. The former and his best friend. Russia was not unwillhe considers to have terminated most aus- ing to recognize the services rendered, and by piciously. "Our efforts [he says] will not her subsequent agreement with France, and have been fruitless, and we shall be largely re- the attitude she assumed in consequence, Nawarded for our sacrifices when the destinies poleon was enabled to carry out his projects of that country, which will owe its regenera- in Italy, and, in direct violation of his own tion to us, shall have been handed over to a solemn pledges, and in defiance of treaties prince whose enlightenment and high quali- that constitute the public law of Europe, to ties render him worthy of so noble a mission." annex Nice and Savoy. These, however, This may be regarded as an authoritative an- cannot be regarded as revelations; they are nouncement that the Archduke Ferdinand merely the confession of guilt by one of the Maximilian has accepted the throne. With accomplices in the crime. It is to be regretrespect to the last-mentioned expedition he ted that at this critical moment the emperor states: "We have conquered a position in should revive the memory of these disgraceful Cochin-China which, without subjecting us transactions, and it is still more to be lato the difficulties of the local Government, mented that in so doing he should be com- . will allow us to turn to account the immense pelled to plead guilty to the accusations resources of those countries, and to civilize brought against him at the time they were them by commerce." So he calls upon the perpetrated, though the imputation was then assembled legislators to put faith in these rejected with scorn. expeditions beyond the seas, commenced to avenge the honor of France, and terminating in the triumph of her interests, and urges prejudiced minds, that cannot see the good promise of the seed sown for the future, not to tarnish the glory achieved at the two extremities of the world-Mexico and Pekin. Whether this is an attempt to excite in the French nation a passion for naval glory, time can alone decide. The emperor's desire, however, appears evident enough. So far the speech contains nothing calcu Compelled by popular opinion in France to compromise his alliance with Russia, Napoleon took action on the Polish insurrection. His declaration that he could not in a question affecting the most serious European interests act alone, and that it was necessary for him to come to an understanding with the other powers who had equal rights with France and similar reasons to express their opinion, are creditable enough, and a conscientious observance of this policy would go far to strengthen his throne and to render such |