out by our Charleston contemporary. Let every bale of cotton be burned before a single flake is allowed to go into the grasp of the ruthless invader. Indeed, some of the planters on Hilton Head Island have already set the noble example of destroying every particle of property they could not transport to a place of safety. rendered unfit for service, and one died; one | therefore, heartily endorse the suggestion thrown wagon was lost and twenty-six thousand pounds of ammunition; about the same report is made by the Fourteenth Ohio; so with each of the regiments. But the moral effect of the countermarch is one of its worst features. The mountaineers of Kentucky regard it a retreat, and the prestige of the victory at Wildcat is turned against us. And so ended the great Cumberland Gap Expedition. But I beg you to wait, readers, for an echo from the Wildcat Brigade. If I mistake not, there will be a fierce growl ere long from the Tennessee Camp, as vehement as the denunciation from "East Tennessee," which you read a day or two ago in the Commercial. And I am inclined to believe that if the indignant letters of the Ohio and Indiana boys are permitted to see the light of public print, none will think I have colored the foregoing picture. Doc. 171. W. D. B. ADVICE TO SOUTHERNERS. THE Charleston Mercury published the following soon after the attack on Port Royal, S.C.: "Our enemies have invaded South Carolina for two purposes: First, to gratify their hate and revenge; and second, to gratify their avarice. The first we have to meet with fighting; but the last must be defeated by policy, where fighting fails. To defeat their avarice, our policy should be to destroy the objects their avarice proposes to feed on. General plunder is undoubtedly designed; but the special objects of their appropriation will undoubtedly be our slaves and cotton. What shall we do with them? Shall we leave them on our plantations to be appropriated by our invaders? It appears to us, our true policy is, to take off our plantations our slaves, horses and cattle, and to burn up our cotton. To leave our horses to arm them, our cattle to feed them, our slaves to strengthen and our cotton to enrich them, or to run their factories, appears to us to be the worst policy possible." We imagine the Lincolnites hate all portions of the South alike, and that they would commit as many atrocities on the coasts of Louisiana, if ever they obtain possession, as they will in that part of South Carolina now unfortunately subject to their malign control. Their malignity is unparalleled; it extends to all the Confederate States in equal proportion, and it leads them to violate all the rules of civilized war fare. That they contemplate wholesale plunder is unquestionable. Hence, as the exposed planters are bound to lose more or less of property, is it not altogether better that they should destroy what they cannot remove than to allow it to fall into the hands of relentless enemies, and thus permit them to reap substantial "aid and comfort" in consequence? We think so; and, If the cotton or other property falls into the hands of the Lincolnites, the planters lose, while the Lincolnites are correspondingly advantaged; but if the planters burn their cotton their loss will be the same, and the abolitionists will not be benefited. Neither horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, corn nor cotton should be permitted to pass into their possession. All should be removed as far as prac ticable, and the remainder destroyed the moment the fact becomes apparent that the enemy cannot be successfully repulsed. By adopting such a course as this the common foe will be com pelled to draw all his supplies from points some thousands of miles distant, through a costly and hazardous process. The case is a hard one all round; but to our mind, as the Yankees are hovering about our coasts on marauding expeditions, and as they will never pay for any thing they steal or ruin, it is best to inconvenience them as much as possible, by destroying all things they are bound, to capture, rather than let them take, appropriate, and enjoy effects thus villanously obtained. By way of illustra tion: There are twelve or fourteen millions of coin in the vaults of the banks of New Orleans. Suppose, for the sake of argument, that New Orleans was bound to succumb before the overwhelming forces of the enemy. Would it not be the part of wisdom, policy and patriotism, to sink this twelve or fourteen millions of coin to the bottom of the Mississippi, rather than to allow it to go into the coffers of the "Gorilla" at Washington, to aid them in enslaving and robbing the people of Louisiana and the South? We 'pause for a reply." แ -New Orleans Crescent, Nov. 18. Doc. 172. THE SLAVES NOT REBELLIOUS. LETTER FROM GEN. DRAYTON TO GOV. PICKENS, CAMP LEE, HARDEEVILLE, Nov. 18, 1861. To his Excellency, Governor F. W. Pickens: SIR: At the request of your Excellency, made to me yesterday at these head-quarters, I have the honor of presenting my views of the present attitude and behavior of the negroes in this portion of the State intrusted to my immediate command. So far from there being any insurrectionary feeling among them, I can assure your Excellency that I have neither seen nor heard of any act of pillaging, incendiarism, or violence in any direction. It is true that the negroes of a few plantstions have shown a spirit of insubordination, by refusing to move higher up the country, when ordered to do so by their owners, but this disobedience should be assigned rather to a feeling of dismay and utter helplessness at being left alone and unprotected by the precipitate abandonment by their masters of their plantations, than from any organized plan of resistance to the authority they had been accustomed to obey. But I now feel much satisfaction in stating, for the information of your Excellency, that the aegroes are fast recovering from their fright, and coming forth from their hidingplaces, and quietly and submissively resuming their agricultural labors without the guidance or presence, in many instances, of either mas ter or overseer. In conclusion, I would respectfully advise that all planters and overseers, who are not mustered into service, and are owners or agents of property upon the mainland, should, without delay, return to their several neighborhoods, and thus, by their presence, prevent a recurrence of that excitement among their people which has been due, in a great measure, to their absence. With much respect, your obedient servant, THOMAS F. DRAYTON, Brigadier-General, Commanding Third Military District Department, S. C. Doc. 1721. CAPTURE OF THE "BEAUREGARD." LIEUTENANT ROGERS' REPORT. UNITED STATES BARK W. G. ANDERSON, BAHAMA CHANNEL, Nov. 13, 1861. SIR: I last had the honor of addressing you under date of November 4, per schooner J. J. Spencer, enclosing abstract log of the United States bark W. G. Anderson to that date, and, to my regret, had nothing to report to the department of any moment. I now have the gratification to inform you that we have been fortunate enough to capture the rebel privateer schooner Beauregard, one hundred and one tons, of and from Charleston, seven days out, and manned by a captain, two lieutenants, purser, and twenty-three seamentwenty-seven, all told-and carrying a rifled pivot-gun throwing a twenty-four-pound projectile. This occurred under the following circumstances: Since November 4, we have cruised along to the northward of the West India Islands and passages, steering westwardly, without seeing but one sail. After standing to within seventy miles of the Hole in the Wall, we turned our head to eastward again, and on November 12, in latitude 26°40', longitude 75°42', at daylight, made a schooner running before the wind toward us. On approaching within four miles he suddenly hauled by the wind, and, as we noticed many men on his decks, we immediately made sail in chase, and in two hours brought her to under our lee, and ordered the captain on board with his papers. He brought a letter of marque from Jefferson Davis, which he surrendered with his vessel. VOL. III.-Doc. 84 | We put a prize-master and crew on board, and transferred the prisoners to our ship, placing them in double-irons. On boarding her, the crew were found in a drunken state, committing all the destruction they could-throwing overboard the arms and ammunition, spiking the gun, and cutting the sails and rigging to pieces. She was otherwise in bad order and poorly found, and having but a short supply of water, of which we had none to spare, was in no condition to send to Boston. Having twenty-seven prisoners, and no room for them on board the W. G. Anderson, I decided, as we were within three days' sail of Key West, to take them and the vessel into that port and deliver them to the proper authorities, and thence return to my cruising-ground. I also am desirous of procuring, if possible, some ballast, of which the bark is very much in need. Trusting that my proceedings will meet with your approbation, I have the honor to be, respectfully, your obedient servant, WILLIAM C. ROGERS, A. V. Lieut. Comm'g U. S. Bark W. G. Anderson. Hon. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy. Doc. 173. GOVERNMENT FOR NORTH CAROLINA. THE Provisional State Governinent for North Carolina was formally instituted on the 18th of November, by a Convention of delegates and proxies representing forty-five counties of the State. The following ordinances were unanimously adopted: By the People of the State of North Carolina, as represented in Convention at Hatteras, Monday, Nov. 18, 1861. Be it ordained by this Convention, and it is hereby ordained and published by the authority of the same: I. That this Convention, on behalf of the people of North Carolina, and acknowledging the Constitution of the United States of America as the supreme law of the land, hereby declares vacant all State offices, the incumbents of which have disqualified themselves to hold them by violating their oaths to support the Federal Constitution. II. That the office of Governor of this Commonwealth having been vacated by the death of John W. Ellis, and by the active treason to the Union of his constitutional successor, Acting Governor Clark, therefore Marble Nash Taylor be hereby appointed and declared Provisional Governor of North Carolina. III. That the Constitution of this State and its amendments, together with the statutes and laws thereof, as contained in the Revised Code put in operation January 1, 1856, be declared continued in full force; also such subsequent acts of the General Assembly as were not | elections." And it appearing that the second adopted in contravention of the National Con- | Congressional district is unrepresented, stitution, or in derogation of its authority. IV. That the ordinance of the Convention which assembled at Raleigh on the 20th of May last, proclaiming the secession of this Commonwealth from the Federal Union, such secession being legally impossible, is of no force or effect; and said ordinance, together with all other ordinances and acts of said Convention, or of the General Assembly, made and done in pursuance of the treasonable purposes of the conspirators against the Union, is hereby declared ab initio null and void. V. That whereas it is desirable that this State shall be represented in the Federal Congress, and maintain her due weight in the councils of the Union, therefore the Provisional Governor be directed hereby to order special elections, in accordance with chapter sixtynine of the Revised Code, as soon as practicable and expedient, in any district or districts now unrepresented. And, in view of the prevalence of armed rebellion and disorder in many portions of this Commonwealth, the Governor is hereby directed to issue his certificates of election upon presentation of such evidence as shall satisfy him of the fact of an election. VI. That the Governor be authorized and empowered to fill such official vacancies by temporary appointment, and to do such acts as, in the exercise of a sound discretion, he may deem expedient for the safety and good order of the State. The Convention adjourned, subject to be reassembled upon the call of the President. GOV. TAYLOR'S PROCLAMATION. STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. To the People of North Carolina : Whereas, an ordinance of the Convention of North Carolina, passed on Monday, the 18th November, 1861, directs the Provisional Governor of this Commonwealth in the following words, to wit: "Whereas, it is desirable that this State shall be represented in the Federal Congress, and maintain her due weight in the councils of the Union, therefore, the Provisional Governor be directed hereby to order special elections in accordance with chapter sixty-nine of the Revised Code, as soon as possible and expedient, in any district or districts now unrepresented; " and whereas the Revised Code of this State, chapter sixty-nine, and section fifth, provides as follows, to wit: "If, at any time, after the expiration of any Congress, and before another election, or if at any time after any election, there shall be a vacancy in the representation in Congress, the Governor shall issue a writ of election, and by proclamation shall require the voters to meet in their respective counties, at such time as may be appointed therein, and at the places established by law, then and there to vote for a representative in Congress to fill the vacancy, and the election shall be conducted in like manner as regular Now, therefore, I, Marble Nash Taylor, Gorernor of the State of North Carolina, do hereby notify and require the good and loyal people of the second Congressional district of this State, qualified to vote for members of the House of Commons of the General Assembly, to attend at the several voting places in the said district, on Thursday, the 28th day of November, 1861, and cast their ballots for a representative of the State in Congress. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the great seal of the State to be affixed, at Hatteras, this, the eighteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. MARBLE NASH TAYLOR. By the Governor, ALONZO J. STow, Private Secretary. HATTERAS, Nov. 18, 1861. Doc. 174. ALBERT PIKE'S "SAFEGUARD." WASHINGTON, Nov. 18, 1861. A LETTER from A. G. Boone, Indian Agent for Upper Arkansas, has been received at the Indian Bureau, enclosing letters of safeguard is sued by Albert Pike, who calls himself "Commissioner of the Confederate States" to the Indian nations and tribes west of Arkansas, in favor of a band of the Comanches. This document was obtained from the band in council. They were greatly astonished on being informed that they had made a treaty with ene mies of the Government and of their Great Father at Washington, and wished the sate guard to be sent to Washington to be destroyed, or used as their Great Father might see fit. Armed Indians are at Fort Wise in great numbers, and are anxious to make a treaty and enter in the agency at that place. They num ber five hundred or six hundred lodges, and, from their number and bravery, more trouble may be apprehended from them than from all other tribes, if they are not satisfied. The fol lowing is a copy of a safeguard: LETTERS OF safeguard. The Confederate States of America, to all their officers, civil and military, and to all other persons to whom these presents shall come: The bearer of this is Bis-te-va-na, the princi pal chief of the Ya-pa-ril-ca band of the Ne-m or Comanches of the prairie, and those who accompany him are the head men of that band; all of whom have this day concluded and signed in behalf of the whole Ya-pa-rih-ca band articles of a convention of peace friendship between that band and other bands of the Ne-um with us, and have thereby agreed to settle and live upon reserves in the country and between Red River and the Canadian, leased by us from the Choctaws and Chickasaws; and the said chief has also agreed to visit the other bands of the Ne-um, not parties to the same convention, and now on the Staked Plain and elsewhere, and persuade them also to settle upon reserves in the same country. We have accordingly taken the said chief and the said head men and all other persons of both sexes and all ages, of the said Ya-pa-rihca band, from this day forward, under our protection, until they shall for just cause forfeit the same, and that forfeiture be declared by us; and we have therefore granted and do grant to them and to each of them these our LETTERS OF SAFEGUARD, for their protection, and to avail each and all of them as far as our authority and jurisdiction extends. You are therefore hereby charged to respect these letters, and give all the said persons protection and safe-conduct; and any infraction by any of you of this safeguard, will be visited by us with all the penalties due to those who violate the public faith, and dishonor the Confederacy. In testimony whereof, Albert Pike, Commissioner of the Confederate States to [SEAL.] all the Indian nations and tribes west of those States, doth hereunto set his hand and affix the seal of his arms. | taken up arms. The period of Ireland's greatness was attained when the petty princes, who ruled separate parts of the country, and kept it in unceasing turmoil, were finally subdued, and the spectacle of a united people under one Government was presented in the wise and beneficent administration of that truly great monarch, the illustrious Brian Boroihme, (tremendous cheering.) It is that happy period in Ireland's history upon which her bards love to dwell, her historians dilate, and around which cluster the proudest of her historical recollections. By what means was that nationality extinguished, and when did Ireland's miseries begin? When her ambitious leaders, the Jefferson Davises of that period, overthrew the fabric of the National Government, and instituted in its stead distinct and separate sovereignties, through whose internal weakness and clashing interests Ireland was finally brought under the power of that stalwart English monarchy that has since held her in its iron grasp. Does an Irishman, therefore, ask what his duty is in this contest? Let him learn it in the history of his own country, in the story of that green flag; let him, contemplating the sorrows of his mother Erin, -"remember the days of old, Ere her faithless sons betrayed her." What is asked of an Irishman in this crisis? He is asked to preserve that Government which Montgomery died to create, and which those Irishmen who signed the Declaration of Inde Done and granted at the Agency of the Confederate States for the Comanches, Wichitas, and other bands of Indians near the False Wa-pendence, George Taylor, James Smith, and shita River, in the leased country aforesaid, this twelfth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixtyALBERT PIKE, one. ON THE PRESENTATION OF FLAGS TO THE SIXTY NINTH REGIMENT N. Y. S. V., Nov. 18, 1861. COL. NUGENT: I am requested by this lady beside me, Mrs. Chaflin, the daughter of an Irishman, and the wife of an officer in the regular army of the United States, and by the ladies associated with her, to offer to your regiment the accompanying stand of colors. In committing to your charge these two flags, I need scarcely remind you that the history of the one is pregnant with meaning in the light which it sheds upon the history of the other. This green flag, with its ancient harp, its burst of sunlight, and its motto from Ossian in the Irish tongue, recalls through the long lapse of many centuries, the period when Ireland was a nation, and conveys more eloquently than by words how her nationality was lost through the practical working of that doctrine of secession for which the rebellious States of the South have Matthew Thornton, meant to transmit, with its manifold blessings, to every Irishman who should make this country the land of his adoption. To the Irish race it has been, in every sense, a country-a country where their native energy and stimulated industry have met with their appropriate reward; and where they have enjoyed an amount of political consequence, and exercised a degree of political influence, not found in the land of their nativity. Whatever may be the result of our experiment of self-government, the Irish race in America is as responsible for the result as any other. That it has its defects, none of us are vain enough to deny; but if, in view of what it has accomplished, any Irish adopted citizen is willing to give it up, let him go and live under the monarchy of Great Britain. (Renewed applause.) But if he still have faith in the teachings of Tone and the example of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, let him stand by that form of government here which they sacrificed their lives to obtain for Irishmen. To preserve that form of government on this continent, it must be sustained, as it has hitherto been, in the grandeur, integrity, and power of a nation, and not by a Mexican division into weak and rickety repub lics. (Enthusiastic cheering.) To secure that great end you are now in arms, and as a part of the military force that has come to the rescue of the Republic, you, and the organization of which you form a part, have a weighty and to this Irish example of the faith and fidelity that is due by a soldier to his flag. Col. Corcoran is now within the walls of a rebel prison, one of the selected victims for revengeful Southern retaliation; but he has the satisfac tion of feeling that he owes his sad, though proud preeminence to having acted as became a descendant of Sarsfield. Of this beautiful American standard, illustrative alike of the munificence of its donors, and of the skill of the hands that wrought it, I say to you, as a parting injunction, in the language of John Savage's "Song of the Sixty-ninth": "Plant that flag On fort and crag, ennobling responsibility. You have chosen to of it was the noble-minded, high-spirited, and be known by the number of a regiment already gallant officer to whom so much of its after chardistinguished in the beginning of this contest, acter was due. A descendant by the female line the reputation of which you have assumed to of that illustrious Irish soldier, Patrick Sarsfield, maintain. But more than this, you, and the Earl of Lucan, whose name is identified with organization to which you belong, have desig- the siege of Limerick, and who fell fighting at nated yourselves by the proudest name in Irish the head of his brigade upon the bloody field military annals-that of the "Irish Brigade." of Landen, Col. Corcoran, in the spirit of his That celebrated corps achieved its historical re- noble ancestor, received that flag with a solnown, not through the admitted bravery of its dier's promise, and kept that promise with a members merely, but chiefly by the perfection soldier's faith. It was not brought back from of its discipline, and it will be precisely in the the field of Manassas on that day of disastrous proportion that you imitate it in this respect, rout and panic; but he, at least, and the little that you will or will not be known hereafter. band who stood around him in its defence, The selection of such a name only renders the went with it into captivity. (Wild huzzas from contrast more glaring in the event of inefficien- the regiment.) I need say no more when precy and incompetency, and it were well, there-senting this splendid gift, with which these lafore, that both officers and men should remem-dies have honored your regiment, than to point ber that, if any part of the glory which the Irish Brigade achieved upon the plains of Ramillies, the heights of Fontenoy, and at the gate of Cremona, is to descend upon them, it will be not by adopting its name, but by proving hereafter, by their discipline and by their deeds, that they are worthy to bear it. (Enthusiastic plaudits.) You, too, Col. Nugent, have your own responsibility. You bear the name of that gallant Col. Nugent, who, at the head of the Irish horse at the battle of Spires, broke the compact infantry of the Prince of Hesse, and decided the fortune of the day. The Irish soldier has been distinguished by military critics for his recognition of the necessity of implicit military obedience, for the cheerfulness with which he endures the privations and hardships incident to a military life, and for his daring impetuosity in battle. Look to it that you maintain that character. Sir Charles Napier has borne the highest compliment to the merits of a disciplined Irish regiment in the account which he gives of the one led by him at the battle of Meeanee, in the war of Scinde, and which he calls "magnificent Tipperary!" With this single corps of but four hundred men and two thousand native troops, he encountered and defeated twenty-eight thousand of the warlike Beloochees. (Great cheering.) Of the decisive charge with the bayonet he glowingly tells us how this thoroughly disciplined Irish regiment moved as on a review across a plain swept by the fire of the enemy, the men keeping touch and step, and looking steadfastly in the faces of their foe. (Cheers.) These are examples of Irish valor, when regulated by discipline, which, if you may not rival, you can at least strive to imitate. Again, I commit these colors to your charge, and in view of the obligation imposed upon every officer and soldier by their acceptance, it may not be out of place to mention in this connection, that at the commencement of the war, I had occasion to offer, as the gift of my wife, I think, the first flag presented to a regiment departing from this city for the defence of the National Capital. Of that regiment, the old Sixty-ninth, you, sir, were the second in command, and at the head With the people's voice of thunder." Doc. 176. JEFF. THOMPSON'S EXPLOIT AT PRICE'S LANDING, MO., NOVEMBER 18, 1861. A CORRESPONDENT at St. Louis, Mo., gives the following account of this affair :— B. F. Livingston, the agent deputed by the U. S. Government to travel on the steamer Platte Valley, was put in charge of that steamer at Cape Girardeau, and brought her to this port. We learn from him some interesting particulars of the trip of the boat since she left Cairo, Ill. When opposite Price's landing, the boat was hailed from shore by two men, attired in military overcoats, who were supposed to be Federal scouts. It turned out, however, that they were the redoubtable Jeff. Thompson and his adjutant. As soon as the boat was made fast to the bank, Jeff. raised his hand, and instantly two hundred men sprung in view from their places of concealment in the immediate vicinity, and quickly one hundred rushed on board, preceded by Jeff. himself. The leader inquired for the captain of the boat, and asked if the Platte Valley was a Government steamer. Discovering that she was not, he said he woulid not injure her, but if she was a Government boat, he would have sacked and burned her, but he would not interfere with private prop |