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Doc. 128.

ZAGONYI'S LETTER

TO THE LADIES OF SPRINGFIELD, MISSOURI.

HEAD-QUARTERS, FREMONT BODY GUARD,
SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 2, 1861.

To Mrs. Worrell and others, ladies of Spring-
field:

LADIES: Your flattering offer to present a flag to the Fremont Body Guard is appreciated and gratefully acknowledged.

|trouble themselves about refuting the slanders and calumnies aimed against me. Alcibiades, on a certain occasion, resorted to an extraordinary method to occupy the minds of his traducers-let, then, that synopsis answer the same purpose for me in this instance. If certain minds cannot understand the difference between patriotism, the highest civic virtue, and office-seeking, the lowest civic occupation, I pity them from the bottom of my heart, Suffice it to say that I prefer the respect and esteem of my countrymen to the admiration Some intimation of such a gift reached me and envy of the world. I hope, for the sake late yesterday afternoon, and I much regret of our cause and country, to be able, with the the mistake or misunderstanding which pre-assistance of kind Providence, to answer my vented a proper recognition of your kindness at calumniators with new victories over our national enemies, but I have nothing to ask of the country, Government, or any friends, except to afford me all the aid they can in the great struggle we are now engaged upon. I am not either a candidate, nor do I desire to be a candidate, for any civil office in the gift of the people or Executive. The aim of my ambition, after having cast my mite in the defence of our sacred cause, and assisted, to the best of my ability, in securing our rights and independence as a nation, is to retire to private life, my means then permitting, never again to leave my home, unless to fight anew the battles of my country.

that time.

But it is with far more profound sorrow that I find myself compelled to decline the proffered presentation. It would be idle to affect ignorance of the fact that the same distinction has been conferred upon a body of men who, though placed under my command upon the occasion to which your partiality obliges me to refer, deserted me at the very moment of conflict, and exposed the officers and men of the Body Guard to a fate which the hand of Provi

dence alone could avert.

The honor of the soldiers under my command, dear to me as my own, I must not permit to be sullied or tarnished in the slightest degree.

The Union women of Springfield are too noble and generous to misinterpret this rejection of a testimonial which, under other circumstances, would be so thankfully received and so highly prized. To the forlorn band which entered this city a few days ago, they gave a cordial welcome; to its patriotism their approval has added zeal; their sympathy and tenderness are now softening the tedious confinement of its wounded, and they will pardon that scrupulous self-respect which forbids the Body Guard to share the rewards of a victory with those who refused to participate in its hazards. Respectfully, CHARLES ZAGONYI,

Major Commanding Body Guard.

Doc. 129.

BEAUREGUARD'S LETTER.
CENTREVILLE, WITHIN HEARING OF THE
ENEMY'S GUNS, Sunday, Nov. 3, 1861.

To Editors Richmond Whig:
GENTLEMEN: My attention has just been
called to an unfortunate controversy now going
on relative to the publication of a synopsis of
my report of the battle of Manassas. None can
regret more than I do this, from a knowledge
that, by authority, the President is the sole
judge of when and what part of the com-
manding officer's report shall be made public. I,
individually, do not object to delaying its pub-
lication as long as the War Department thinks
proper and necessary for the success of our
Meanwhile I entreat my friends not to

cause.

Respectfully, your most obedient servant,
P. T. BEAUREGARD.

Doc. 130.

SPEECH OF REVERDY JOHNSON,

AT A MASS MEETING OF THE UNION CITIZENS OF
BALTIMORE CO., AT CALVERTON, MD., NOV. 4.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF BALTIMORE COUNTY:

My failure to appear before you until the closing period of the canvass, I am sure, you will not attribute to any indifference to the momentous questions which it involves, or to a want of grateful sensibility for the honor of the nomination which your Union Convention, on the 12th of September, conferred upon me. Whilst these questions have almost engrossed my thoughts from their first appearance, that nomination advised me that those by whom it was made, and representing in that particular, as I supposed, your opinion, believed that I might be able to serve our State in her present exigency, and, by doing so constitutionally and loyally, assist the Government of the whole in its sworn duty to uphold its rightful authority by suppressing, through the use of all its delegated powers, the cruel, unprovoked rebellion which is aiming its destruction.

But the call, so wholly unexpected, found me under professional obligations which I could not, without a violation of honor, abandon, and which I found myself unable to postpone. But my heart has been with you and my associate candidates in all your united efforts, and, to

some extent, though not upon the immediate | them--enjoying at the moment, as they had theatre of the struggle, I have done what I done for years, the honors which the Union had could to assist in bringing it to a successful is- given them, cast aside the allegiance which, sue. Hoping that this explanation will be sat-over and over again, they had sworn to their isfactory, I proceed briefly to lay before you, in God to observe, and avowed themselves, even plain and unambitious language, some thoughts with a boast, rebels and traitors. They had, suited, as I think, to the occasion. too, as far as they could, guarded against the I have characterized the questions before us frustration of their unrivalled wickedness. A as momentous. Are they not? They affect Secretary of War became one of them. By the very life of our institutions. They threaten some of the party, as I know, he had been from with extinction, perpetual extinction, all the the beginning of his official career, regarded elements of our social and political prosperity. with utter detestation. His gross and multiplied They strike at the peace and happiness which corruptions were the constant themes of their was ours, and to an extent "beyond any thing indignant denunciation. Nor was this expressed that the history of the world could parallel.' in a corner. His name was considered by them Whence the madness and the crime of their agi- as the very synonyme of official baseness, and tation? How happens it that at the very mo- they made no secret of it. The moment, howment when, of all that had passed since the ever, the time approached, when, to divulge Constitution was adopted by our fathers, "in their own dishonor, they called him into their order to form a more perfect Union," the en- counsels. They knew that treason in him, tire country was happier, richer, more power from his antecedents, could be relied upon. ful, in fact and in the world's esteem, than They knew that official faith, though secured ever before, and when individual rights and all by official oath, with him would be no restraint. the reserved rights of the States were never They knew that with him, to deceive the Presimore faithfully observed, and protected, and dent, who had appointed and weakly confided secured; how happened it, I say, that cursed in him, would probably rather be a delight than rebellion then lifted its unholy hands, and has an objection. Their anticipations were not dissucceeded in involving us in frightful civil appointed. They were seen under the darkness war, converting brothers into enemies, peace- of night, for nights and nights together, wendful fields, but recently filled only with the ing their way to his residence-which before, cheerful sounds of contented and remunerative they would have esteemed it disgrace to enter industry, into fields of blood and agony; homes,--and there they, with him, concocted the acts the abode of happiness and the schools of inno- of official baseness which have given undying cence and kindness, into scenes of harrowing infamy to his name. The army was dispersed; suffering, and in many instances, it is feared, the arms and ammunition of the Government of almost demoniac passion. That reason, en-placed beyond its reach; officers put in comlightened reason, pure love of country, could mand with treachery promised in advance. The not have produced the change, every unpreju- blow was struck, and the traitors stood condiced, intelligent, and patriotic mind will at fessed, and boasted their treason, seeking no once concede. What, then, is the cause? The other justification than a notion of State sovfailure to elect a President selected by a fewereignty paramount to that of the General Govmen. The failure to elect one whom the people ernment, not only absurd in principle and imthey have succeeded in deluding to their ruin practicable in practice, but in direct conflict they knew would esteem to be national, and with the very purpose and express words of which failure, for that very reason, they plotted the Constitution, which declare that the "Conto accomplish, satisfied that its success would stitution, and the laws of the United States be fatal to their long-meditated treason. The which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and cause, then, is simply that a President was all treaties made, or which shall be made under elected other than their own nominee-the the authority of the United States, shall be the nominee whose recent final step into the ranks supreme law of the land," that is, of the whole of the conspirators, an outcast from the State land, whether under Territorial or State Govof his birth, a State that had heaped her honors ernment. upon him without stint, proving himself a traitor to her as well as to the Union, and a fit instrument, in the hands of his co-conspirators, to assist in the nation's destruction.

Before a single measure was announced indicating the policy or the purpose of the President elect-before a single act was done by any branch of the Government touching any real or alleged Southern right; without consulting even their own people, but with "malice aforethought" for many years polluting their bosoms, they at once threw aside the mask which had so long concealed their deformity, and without shame, in the face of day, and many-most of

Never, in human annals, did prejudice or ignorance before believe so preposterous a doctrine; and yet it is on this, and on this alone, that secession asserts its legality. The history of the Constitution repudiates it; the grounds on which its adoption by the people was resisted reject it; the fears anticipated from its operation repel it; the instrument itself, in clear terms, denounces it; and its administration, by every department of the Government, from the days of Washington to the present hour, scouts it. If, as is possible, there are men of capacity and intelligence who sincerely believe in it, the remark of Beaumarchais on the Girondists is

even more applicable to them: "My God! | truth, that such a power, recognizing as it would what idiots these men of talent are." "But they have brought the minds of thousands to credit the heresy. At war with reason, and fatal to any Union of States that may be formed-sure in the end, and at no distant period, to work its destruction, they have made it a part of their rebellious Constitution. This is done but the better to accomplish the delusion. The very incorporation of the principle demonstrates that they know it is not to be found in the Constitution which they are, under its pretence, seeking to overthrow. Assuming this heresy as a right, they go a step further, and contend that whether right or not, there is no rightful power in the Government to prevent it. They maintain that once acted upon, the people of the States seceded cannot be forced back into their allegiance, or suffered if willing, if their State forbids it, to return to it, because the State stands between them and their original duty, and there is no authority to coerce a State. This asserted consequence of secession is, if possible, even more absurd than its twin folly; and yet respectable gentlemen in our own State are its victims. A committee of our now defunct Legislature, at a session called for a definite purpose-not only not carried out, but persistently denied, the consulting the will of the people of the State, on the very question of their disputed allegiance-in a report, ingeniously prepared, culling from the debates of the Convention which prepared the Constitution extracts of speeches by Hamilton, Madison, and others, without giving the context, or stating fairly and fully the very questions being discussed, sought to maintain the groundless, absurd theory. And, more recently, three respectable Peace gentlemen of Harford County have given it the sanction of their names. When the will is father to the thought, nothing is easier than to find reasons to uphold it. In every branch of science and of literature, general or political, this has been over and over again illustrated. The absurdity is first adopted from choice, with out reflection, and the mind is at work at once to maintain it. Experience is rejected, the teachings of the wise are forgotten or disregarded, the very nature of things is repudiated, and the mind of the deluded goes every where but where it should, to see the true character of its adopted folly. Spirit-rapping, Millerism, fanaticism in all its numerous shapes, are not more the subjects of self-delusion and persistent ignorance, honestly entertained, than the belief in the doctrine of State secession and individual impunity for allegiance violated and treason perpetrated through the protection of State

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a State as a party to such a conflict, would be
to place her in the attitude of a belligerent to
the United States, and justify other nations in
so considering and treating her. The chief de-
fect of the Articles of Confederation, which the
Constitution was to supersede, was that the
States and the Confederation, in the event of
conflict, would hold that relation toward each
other. This very relation was the parent of all
the ills the country had suffered, and it was the
often repeated purpose of the leading members
of the Convention effectually to obviate and
guard against it in the future. They objected,
therefore, to insert a provision which might be
construed to continue the very weakness to
which the Confederation was, by experience,
found liable. They sought, with this end, to
pass by, as thoroughly as they could, the States,
in their corporate capacity, and directed the
powers of the Government to the individual
citizen. The power proposed to be given to
use force against a State to compel individual
duty, was objected to by Mr. Madison, on the
ground that "a union of the States containing
such an ingredient, seemed to provide for its
own destruction." He preferred the use of force
upon the people "individually," and not "col-
lectively," and expressed the hope that a system
to that effect would be framed. Mr. Hamilton
was of the same opinion, and the result was the
adoption of a system that made each citizen a
citizen of the United States, bound to it, as to
all their constitutional powers, by a direct and
paramount allegiance, and subject, by reason of
it, to individual punishment for its violation.
Over all individually, as well as over the States
collectively, in all matters of duty which the
Constitution imposed on the people and the
States as such, the Constitution, and legislation
and treaties under it, were made SUPREME.
With what astonishment would those great men
have received even an intimation (which no
man, however, was weak enough to suggest)
that the provisions imposing as a duty individ-
ual obedience, and giving the Government a
judiciary, and an army and a navy to enforce it,
and the power to "call forth the militia to
execute the laws of the Union, suppress insur-
rections, and repel invasions," would all be but
idle and fruitless powers, as they could all be
frustrated by means of State secession and State
power? That at last the demonstrated vice of
the Confederation would be found to belong to
the new Government, and courts, militia, armies,
navies, denouncement of treason, all would be
set at naught by virtue of inherent State sov-
ereignty, which the people of the States could
not, though they said they would and must, for
their own safety and welfare, part with. Had
such a monstrous absurdity been breathed in
that assembly of truly great and patriotic men,
it would have been received with universal
derision, and the author written down insane.

And yet, in these degenerate days, it is invoked and solemnly maintained as a shield and

protection for allegiance violated and treason | jugate States or citizens. It is but to vindicate perpetrated. The man is guilty; the offence, the Constitution and the laws, and maintain the clearly defined by the Constitution, is as clearly existence of the Government. It is but to supperpetrated, and should be punished. Powers press the "insurrection," force the citizen to reample for the purpose are vested in the Gov- turn to his duty, and restore him to the unernment, the nation's safety demands their ex- equalled benefits of the Union. And when this ecution, the respect of the world can only be is done, as done it will be if there is justice in retained by their prompt and effectual exercise; Heaven, the authors of the present calamity will but no, these are all to be sacrificed, the Govern- be consigned to the execrations of the civilized ment is to fall by reason of inherent incurable world, and punished, perhaps, if that is possible, debility, the States are to be separated and con- more severely by the people whom, by arts and signed to feebleness, even unknown to the Con- subterfuges, they have so deluded and defederation, by this ridiculous, wholly ridiculous ceived. dogina, that States cannot be coerced. As well In the mean time our path is clear. It is to might the citizen who violates his country's laws remain faithful to duty and to honor; to avoid, plead immunity from punishment under the as we would pestilence or famine, all commusanction of a foreign Power. The citizen is to nion with treason; to stand by, with unfalterclaim exemption because others have offended ing attachment, the Union Washington especially with him. What is crime, conceded crime, in | devised for us, and invoked us, in his dying, paone or a few, ceases to be crime if many are triotic legacy, "indignantly to frown upon the committing it. It even then is supposed to rise first dawning of any attempt to alienate any to the dignity of a virtue. What folly! What portion of our country from the rest;" "to disabsolute folly! Washington did not so hold trust the patriotism of those who in any quarter when he raised and marched, leading it himself, may endeavor to weaken its bonds;" and to rean army to subdue and punish thousands in member always that "it is a main pillar in the Pennsylvania in rebellion. Jackson did not so edifice of (our) real independence-the support hold when he resolved to prostrate nullification of (our) tranquillity at home, (our) peace abroad, by military power, though sought to be shielded of (our) safety, of that very liberty which (we) by State authority. Congress did not so hold so highly prize." Forbid it, Heaven! that when it armed him with the whole force of the Marylanders shall ever forget these teachings! nation to effect that, his clear duty and patriotic Save us, in mercy, from the crime he so urged purpose. us to avoid and denounce. Let us not be false to the filial obligations we owe him, the Father of our Freedom, achieved for us through seven years of struggle and peril; but, on the contrary, clinging around the altar of the Union, where he and his great associates ever worshipped, "pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor," to maintain it inviolate to the last.

But of this enough; the doctrine is so obviously untenable that patriotism instinctively rejects it. As no argument can even plausibly maintain it, no argument is required to refute it. Its absurdity is as transparent as light. But it is being carried out, and this brings me to consider what are our duty and our interest.

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Patriotism now is arousing the men of the loyal States to its rescue. Thousands, hundreds of thousands, are leaving the comforts of home, the employments of peaceful life, and nerving themselves to the task. The Government is directing itself to the same end. Until now they have had the counsels of a veteran soldier, whose life has been one scene of patriotic honor; whose achievements in the field have given renown to his country, and won for himself an ever-enduring fame; and whose counsels in many an exigency have rescued the nation from peril, whilst saving untouched its honor. Winfield Scott, bearing upon his body wounds received in the national service, and which, with

As to duty, that is clear from what I have already told you. We owe allegiance to the Government of the Union, and its history to the breaking out of the present foul rebellion, the memory of the men who gave it to us, the untold blessings it has conferred upon us, the support it has given to the cause of constitutional freedom everywhere, the gratitude we owe to Washington, whom Providence, it has been said, left "childless, that his country might call him father," will all unite in making that allegiance a pleasure as well as a duty. To be false to such a Government, to palter even with the treason that seeks its downfall, to associate with the wicked men or the madmen who are in arms against it, would be as vile a dishonor and as base a crime as fallen man ever perpe-age, unfit him, as he for himself has decided, trated.

Peace, in such a crisis-the cry of our opponents-how is it to be attained? How, upon their plan, but by a gross violation of our clearest obligations-a total disregard of an allegiance to which we are bound, not only by the Constitution, but by the pledge our ancestors gave for s? The force the Government is raising is not, as is falsely alleged by the conspirators, to sub

has retired from the command of the army. Great as have been the deeds of his prior life, none is more calculated to secure him his country's gratitude and the world's esteem than the devotion with which he, though pressed down by infirmities that made him a daily sufferer, has stood, in the present exigency, as long as he physically could, true to active, patriotic duty. What a shining and crushing contrast to the

faithless soldiers (officers, not men; they have all of them been true) who, false to obligations and honor, are now warring with the very Government that gave them a name, and seeking to degrade the almost sacred standard which they were educated to defend, and bound by every motive of gratitude and by oft-repeated pledges to Heaven to defend to the last! Whilst Winfield Scott's memory will ever live, honored and revered by the good and the great of the world, every true soldier will try, for the sake of his profession, to forget that such men had belonged

to it.

Doc. 131.

GENERAL NELSON'S PROCLAMATION, ON OCCUPYING PRESTONBURG, KENTUCKY. HEAD-QUARTERS, CAMP AT PRESTONBURG, November 5, 1861. HAVING this day occupied the town of Presdeclare to all whom it may concern: That the tonburg with the forces under my command, I jurisdiction of the State of Kentucky is restored in this section of the State, and that the regu lar fall terms of the courts will be held in those counties in which the time for holding the same has not passed. All the civil officers are ordered to attend at the times and places of holding said courts, and attend to the duties of their respective offices.

Given under my hand, this 5th day of No-
W. NELSON.
JNo. M. DUKE, Aide-de-Camp.
By command of Brig.-Gen. NELSON,

Scott is gone, but the army has still a chief. Though new to fame, McClellan's repeated and rapid victories in Western Virginia, that so thrilled with joy every patriotic heart, and his untiring zeal, scientific attainments, and complete organization of his vast ariny, are guar-vember, 1861. antees on which the country may and will rely that the honor of the nation and the fame of the army are in safe hands. With such a leader, and such a cause, who can doubt the ultimate result? Sooner or later, we shall see "the stars to sparkle from the sphere from which they have shot." We shall see treason crushed and the Union restored; and that done, we may be confident "against the world in arms." That done

"Foreign foe or false beguiling

Shall our Union ne'er divide;
Hand in hand while peace is smiling,
And in battle side by side."

The Maysville (Ky.) Eagle, of November 9th, contains the following account of the occupation:

PAINTVILLE, November 6th, 1861. BRO. COONS: Since writing you on Satur day, the object of our mission to this region has been attained. Our gallant Col., Leonidas Metcalfe, with twenty-nine other gallant and daring spirits, went up from this place to Prestonburg on yesterday, and tock possession of In this instance, too, as it ever is, interest is it. It had been impossible to obtain any correct the ally of duty. The firmness and patriotism information from there concerning the force of of our Governor, encouraged and supported by our enemy, as regards numbers, equipments, or the loyalty of the people, have saved us from plan of defence. To satisfy himself on all these the direst calamities of the strife. Our fields points, and obtain information so necessary to are untrodden by the traitorous foe: no horrid our future movements, Colonel Metcalfe deterclash of arms has startled our homes with dis- mined on his own responsibility to go as far in that direction as he could make his way with may; no desolation is within our limits; no armed soldier is here but to protect and defend thirty men. He was attended by Colonel Vinthe loyal. Peace is our condition, and none of cent, of the Sandy Valley Volunteers, whose our people are subject to the hazards of the thus showing their men their purpose to head men are here with us, the two commanders contest but those who are patriotically giving themselves to their country's service for their them in the path of duty, and not to send them. country's defence. What a contrast to the sad They left here about one o'clock P. M. of yesfate of our misguided sister, Virginia! Through terday, feeling their way as they went, and folly and crime, the war which South Carolina examining their ground foot by foot as they traitorously initiated she has brought almost advanced, and reached Prestonburg just before exclusively within her borders, and sad, afflict- dark. The enemy had fled-leaving their flag ingly sad, is the result-private grief and mis-floating over the Court House and their huts ery, individual poverty, and State bankruptcy, just as they had been before their flight. Metand the loss of the renown won for her by calfe and his men advanced into the town, tore down the secession flag, ordered their suppers, her former generation of good and great men. Let her example strengthen us in the returned to this place about twelve o'clock last obtained all the information possible, and resolve to remain true to patriotic obligation. Let it teach us how dear to us should be the fame of our good and great of the same generation, and how imperative the demands, alike of interest and duty, to preserve the renown they achieved and left us untarnished by our dishonor.

night in triumph. Captain Wm. Oden, of Col.
down the flag, and he has it now in his posses
Metcalfe's regiment, was the man who tore
sion. The enemy have retired up Big Sandy,
how far or to what point we know not. Their
number is between two and three thousand.

In haste, your brother,
JAS. P. HENDRICK.

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