defamation. This little clique of Southern dem- | this, and if thereby the North has the preponagogues has had no terror for me. You may stand in awe of them, but I do not. I never have and never shall stand in awe of aught except my Maker. My sentiments are based on conscientious convictions, and cannot be controlled and governed by the fear of being stigmatized as unsound to my section.

The Southern men at the head of the rebellious movement, as well as those of that part of the country sanctioning it, entirely ignore the great principle of our country-to abide the decision of the ballot-box, and, if defeated, try it again. Instead of such a course they resorted to arms with a view of overturning the Government. Such a sight as this arouses all the manly feelings in my nature, and rouses my very soul to arms. It is not a liking for the government of President Lincoln that induces all of us to stand up for the Union, but because we are a law-abiding people. (Applause.)

Throughout my entire life I have always entertained an opinion that Congress has power to control slavery, and also that it was the duty of that body to exercise such control. It was not on the principle that Congress should set forth that slavery is immoral, or that it should interfere with the institution as it exists in the Southern States; but it was that, if the whole country was given up to slavery, they would not be honored in the non-slaveholding States as a land which was the home of the brave and free. With the natural order of events flowing smoothly, as previous to the reopening of the slavery agitation, the institution would continue, as established, two hundred years to come. While in Congress, Southern men came to me and said that, if it was confined to the States in which it is at present, it would soon die. Take the census of 1840 and that of 1850, and observe the rates of increase of both sections.

derance, we should submit to it. Five-and-
twenty years ago I assumed the opinion which
I now hold, but would not wish to controvert
the opinion as expressed by Chief Justice Ta-
ney in the Dred Scott decision, and therefore
abide by it. The remarks which I have ex-
pressed, my friends, are made with a view to
allay the prejudices which unfortunately exist
among the citizens of Baltimore in this great
crisis of our country. Prejudices and passions
they are; and never have more unjust and un-
warranted allegations been made than what a
number of your citizens generally receive as
truths. Chief among these is an assertion that
President Lincoln, who for the time being is
our Chief Magistrate, is a political abolitionist.
I hold in my hand the Inaugural Address of
President Lincoln, a portion of which I will
read. It is the same position occupied by Mr.
Van Buren in 1832, when he received the vote
of Maryland for Vice-President. It is the po-
sition of Henry Clay (tremendous applause) in
his whole career-a favorite of old Maryland;
of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, through
a long period of the country's early history. Mr.
Lincoln declares that "he has no purpose, direct-
ly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution
of slavery where it exists." The votes and reso-
lutions in the convention that formed the Chi-
cago Platform expressly declare the same doc-
trine. Expressly did that platform recognize
the right of the South to a maintenance of the
inviolable right to the control of her domestic
institution as necessary to the just administra-
tion of the Government. It is true, however,
that it was also a great principle to resist the
extension of slavery where it did not exist.

Born in Maryland, a son of a slaveholder, living among slaveholders, serving in the position of Chief Magistrate of the State, I have always held these opinions, and avowed that I would exclude slavery from any new State, but where it was established as a vested right I would defend the right with my blood. But if I was going to lay the foundations of a new State, I would never sanction the incorporation of slavery as an institution.

Then compare it with the territory not yet settled, and you will readily exclaim, Why fight about territory-why brue your hands in blood about territory not needed by either side? The principles on which I placed myself have been sanctioned in Western Maryland, and even from my boyhood have I maintained them. They Mr. Thomas distinctly averred that there was have been vindicated by the people selecting nothing in the designs of the Chief Magistrate, me as their representative in Congress by ten or of any of his Cabinet, to lead any person in thousand majority, given by a generous and con- Maryland to believe that they purposed interfiding people, who, on the same enunciation offering with the institution of slavery. these opinions, chose me as the Chief Magistrate of Maryland. Why it is that the Northern section of our country increases in population more than the Southern section, I will not dwell, but only refer to one cause, and from which, as a natural result, it will always increase more rapidly.

I allude to foreign emigration-persons arriving in the Northern section, who, from not being indoctrinated into the institution in their native land, have an inborn hatred of slavery, and therefore seek that part of the land where the laboring class is free. They are right in

In New York and Ohio the Democratic party had lost power by showing more sympathy with Southern rights in years gone by than was right. At the present time, however, as if to show that the design of the Republican party was not to interfere with the institution in the Southern States, the party had invited the Democratic party into a union with them on the only true ground of supporting the Union as it is. They had elected a Democratic Governor in Ohio, as well as representatives in Congress, by large majorities, and in New York they had also elected Democrats by triumphant majorities.

DOCUMENTS.

Thus in two populous States they had aban- | listened to by the great throng with eagerness.
doned the principles of the party, and made During the delivery of his impassioned words
combinations with the Democrats in order to the utmost quietude prevailed, while again the
cherish the Union. In this State he regretted most enthusiastic applause greeted some of his
to see men claiming to be Democrats organizing remarks.
an opposition to Government, and giving evi-
dence of sympathy with traitors.

Doc. 116.

"CONFEDERATE " ADMIRALTY COURTS. Mr. Thomas referred to the assistance rendered by the leading Whigs of 1832 to General ACTION IN REFERENCE TO FEDERAL PRIZES. Jackson, when South Carolina raised the nulliThen Clay, Webster, and THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICAfication banner. Adams, forgetting all that had induced them to SOUTH CAROLINA DISTRICT-In the Court of oppose Jackson in his course toward the United Admiralty of the Confederate States of AmerStates Bank, the National Road, and other ica for South Carolina District.-The Confederprominent measures, readily rallied to his sup- ate States of America, to the Marshal of the port. They knew the great distinction between Confederate States for the district aforesaid, or the persons administering the Government and his lawful deputy, greeting:-You, and each of the Government itself, and gave all their pow-you, are hereby commanded, without delay, to ers to sustain the latter. President Lincoln now claims from all citizens the same loyalty as was evidenced in 1832, when the Government was wantonly assailed by rebellious men.

cite and admonish, and these are, therefore, to cite and admonish all persons in general, except citizens of the United States, who have, or pretend to have, any right, title, claim, interest, The speaker alluded to the expressions made property, or demand, whatsoever, in, to, or out use of by secessionists in reference to subjugat- of the brig Betsey Ames, her tackle, etc., and ing and coercing States, and that it was unlaw- her cargo, against which a libel hath been exful to imprison persons who were wanting inhibited and filed in the said court, by S. H. loyalty. He dissented in toto from the opinion of Chief-Justice Taney in the case of John Merryman, though having the utmost respect for the distinguished jurist.

Lebby, master of the private armed schooner Sally, in a cause of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, that they be and appear before the Hon. A. G. Magrath, Judge of the said Court, at He referred to General Jackson's course in a court to be holden at the Confederate Court New Orleans, where, a large portion of the in- House, on Thursday, the 14th day of November, habitants being of French descent, he was ap- at eleven o'clock A. M., to show cause, if any prehensive that they would not be as loyal as they have, why the prayer of the said libel they should be, and had occasion to arrest one should not be granted, and the said brig Betsey of them. After the retirement of the old hero Ames, and her cargo, condemned as lawful prize And whatsoever you shall do in the to the Hermitage, all the leading men who pre- of war. viously had abused him without stint acknowl-premises, you shall duly certify unto the judge edged that he had done right. So will it be aforesaid, at the time and place aforesaid, togethwith President Lincoln when the present crisis is past.

He then referred to the efforts made in this State by the secessionists to control the Legislature, with a view of crippling the General Government, and expressed himself as being favorable to the utmost exercise of all the powers of Government to prevent such aims.

If they were desirous of ending these difficulties, he would suggest to them, as well as to the State prisoners in Fort Lafayette, that if they would take the oath of allegiance and become loyal citizens, they could regain and retain their liberty.

Mr. Thomas continued to urge these views at length, and passed on to the questions of tariff and other measures, which were sometimes urged by those friendly to the South as inducing their present position. He referred to the present attitude of England and France as not being calculated to create any alarm, and then rapidly alluded to the position of affairs even if the independence of the Confederate States should be acknowledged, and generally referred to the position which Baltimore would be placed in as a commercial city.

He concluded his address at ten o'clock, being

er with these presents.

Witness, the Hon. A. G. Magrath, Judge of the said Court, at Charleston, the 30th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one.

B. C. PRESSLEY,

Libellant's Proctor.

H. Y. GRAY, Clerk Confederate Court.

THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, SOUTH CAROLINA DISTRICT-In the Court of Admiralty of the Confederate States of America for South Carolina District.-The Confederate States of America to D. H. Hamilton, Marshal of the Confederate States for the district aforesaid, or his lawful deputy, greeting:-You, and each of you, are hereby commanded; without delay, to cite and admonish, and these are, therefore, to cite and admonish all persons in general, except citizens of the United States, who have, or pretend to have, any right, title, claim, interest, property, or demand, whatsoever, in, to, or out of the brig Grenada, her tackle, etc., and cargo, against which a libel hath been exhibited and filed in the said court, by S. H. Lebby, master of the private armed schooner Sally, in a cause of admiralty and maritime

ADDRESS OF JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE adelphia by the Federal authorities, will con

DOCUMENTS.

court has ever decided a contract to be binding between the remaining parties, or attempted to The Constitution reenforce its execution. quires positively that each State shall have at least one representative in Congress, but now twelve States have none; that each State shall have two Senators, but now twelve States have none; that all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States, but now in more than one-third of them none are or can be collected. Commerce cannot be regulated between the respective States. Uniform rules of naturalization and bankruptcy cannot be adopted. Post-offices and post-roads, in nearly half the States, have been given up, and a preference is given to the ports of one State over those of another. Even the election of a The ConstiPresident has become impossible. tution is mandatory on all the States to appoint electors, and requires a majority of the latter to elect; but more than one-third of the States refuse to appoint, and hence no election can be made by the people. If the election goes to the House of Representatives, the Constitution requires that at least two-thirds of the States shall be represented in that body. The Constitution can no longer be amended; for it requires three-fourths of the States to concur, and more than one-third of the States have withdrawn All the safeguards from the Confederacy. provided for by the States in the instrument, still farther to secure public and personal liberty, have been destroyed. The three departments of the Federal Government, which were carefully separated and their boundaries defined, have been merged into one, and the President, sustained by a great army, wields unlimited power.

The exemption of persons from arrest without judicial warrant, the right of a citizen to have his body brought before a judge to determine the legality of his imprisonment, the security provided against searches and seizure without warrant of law, the sanctity of the home, the trial by jury, the freedom of speech and of the press-these and every other precious right which our fathers supposed they had locked up in the Constitution, have been torn from it and buried beneath the heel of military power. The States made the Constitution, placed rigid boundaries around that Government, and expressly reserved to themselves all powers not delegated. They did not delegate to the Federal Government the power to destroy them-yet the creature has set itself The atrocious doctrine is above the creator. announced by the President, and acted upon, that the States derive their power from the Federal Government, and may be suppressed on any pretence of military necessity. The gallant little State of Maryland has been utterly abolished. Missouri is engaged in a heroic struggle to preserve her existence and to throw off the horrors of martial law proclaimed by a subordinate inilitary commander. Everywhere the civil has given way to the military power. VOL. III.-Doc. 25

The fortresses of the country are filled with
victims seized without warrant of law, and
ignorant of the cause of their imprisonment.

The legislators of States and other public offi-
cers are seized while in the discharge of their
official duties, taken beyond the limits of their
A subservient
respective States, and imprisoned in the forts
of the Federal Government.
Congress ratifies the usurpations of the Presi-
dent, and proceeds to complete the destruction
of the Constitution. History will declare that
the annals of legislation do not contain laws so
infamous as those enacted at the last session.
prop-
They sweep away every vestige of public and
personal liberty, while they confiscate the
erty of a nation containing ten millions of peo-
ple. In the House of Representatives it was
declared that the South should be reduced to
abject submission," or their institutions be
In the Senate it was said that,
overthrown.
if necessary, the South should be depopulated
and re-peopled from the North, and an eminent
Senator expressed a desire that the President
should be made a dictator. This was super-
fluous, since they had already clothed him with
dictatorial powers. In the midst of these pro-
ceedings, no plea for the Constitution is listened
to in the North; here and there a few heroic
voices are feebly heard protesting against the
progress of despotism, but for the most part,
beyond the military lines, mobs and anarchy
rule the hour.

66

The great mass of the Northern people seem anxious to sunder every safeguard of freedom; they eagerly offer to the Government what no European monarch would dare to demand. The President and his generals are unable to pick up the liberties of the people as rapidly as they are thrown at their feet. The world will view with amasement this sudden and total overthrow of a Constitution which, if respected, might have been the boast and safeguard of the United States for many generations. When the historian comes to investigate the cause of this result he will record the fact that no department of the Federal Government has ever exhibited a case of aggression by the Southern States upon their Northern associates, and he will trace the dismemberment to the ignorance or disregard, upon the part of the latter, of the true principles of a Confederacy, to long continued and flagrant violations of the Constitution, to avarice, fanaticism, and general corruption. Against all these usurpations I protested in your name, in the presence of their authors, and at the seat of their powers. I protested in vain, and never again will I meet in council with the usurpers.

And now, fellow-citizens, I am sure you will pardon me if I add a few words in reference to the condition of our State and my own course. The Constitution of the United States has been destroyed, and by no act of Kentucky. The power she delegated in that instrument to the Federal Government had vested to her, and any exercise of power over her by that Government,

without her consent, is usurpation. In the wreck of the Federal system she exists an independent Commonwealth, with the right to choose her own destiny. She may join the North. She may join the South. She may poise herself on her own centre, and be neutral. În every form by which you could give direct expression to your will, you declared for neutrality. A large majority of the people at the May and August elections voted for the neutrality and peace of Kentucky. The press, the public speakers, the candidates-with exceptions in favor of the Government at Washington so rare as not to need mention-planted themselves on this position. You voted for it, and you meant it. You were promised it, and you expected it. The minority acquiesced in good faith, and at home and abroad this was recognized as the fixed position of the State. It was taken at the beginning of hostilities, and it is but reasonable to infer that every subsequent act of outrage by the Washington Government has confirmed your original purpose. Look, now, at the condition of Kentucky, and see how your expectations have been realized -how these promises have been redeemed.

First, by the aid of some citizens of the State, arms belonging to the whole people were illegally and secretly introduced by order of the President, and distributed to one class of our people upon the false pretence that they needed them for protection against their own fellowcitizens. This was the first violation.

acy stood fully revealed, while the people, whose only error had been their generous credulity, stood thoroughly betrayed. It is known to citizens of Louisville, of all parties, that just before that meeting of the Legislature a member of the Washington Cabinet said to a prominent citizen of Kentucky that the position of the State should not be maintained, that the Government preferred hostility to neutrality, and that Kentucky must be compelled to support the Federal Government in the war. Your wishes, fellow-citizens, had been spurned, and you have been thrown into this vortex by the Government at Washington, aided by their Kentucky sympathizers.

The pretended reason for the military occupation of the State, founded on the occupation of Columbus by Confederate troops, is uncandid and false. For, besides the fact that the invasion of Kentucky was a foregone conclusion at Washington, and that camps of soldiers were under arms in our midst to invade Tennessee, it is notorious that General Grant left Cairo to seize Paducah before the occupation of Columbus, while, in taking the latter place, the Confederate troops anticipated the Federal troops by less than an hour. For further proof of the insincerity of the false clamor about the invasion from Tennessee, the Confederate commander announced to your authorities that he occupied Columbus purely in self-defence, and stood ready at any moment to withdraw simultaneously with the Federal forces. To say that the Washington Government had a right to invade the State, is to say that you had no right to be neutral; and to submit to the invasion from a power which has effaced every vestige of the Constitution, would be to bow in the dust and surrender to a simple despotism.

Next, Federal military officers began to recruit soldiers and establish camps in our midst, and Federal money was lavishly expended, in the hope to demoralize and corrupt the people. A studied system of deception was practised as long as possible on the people. For a time it was denied that they were Federal camps, and it was said that they were merely voluntary assemblages of Kentuckians for their own protec-tecting the rights and persons of the citizens, tion and that of the State. These monstrous falsehoods have since been freely exposed. This was the second violation.

Previous to these events the State was in a condition of tranquillity and peace. No indications existed anywhere of internal disorder. But now the people, becoming alarmed at these proofs of a purpose to force Kentucky into the war, began to assemble in great mass meetings and to demand loudly the promised neutrality. The Washington Government, however, and its abettors in Kentucky, supposing their schemes to be ripe for execution, now resolved to have what they called "active loyalty." About this time the Legislature met, and the drama then moved rapidly on. The camps were avowed to be Federal camps. The guns which had been clandestinely and illegally introduced, now called out to maintain "active loyalty." Federal officers began to swarm among us. Every appliance of corruption, every allurement of ambition, was brought into play.

It is not necessary to say much about the Legislature. A majority of them, instead of pro

have, either voluntarily or under duress, been engaged in sustaining the usurpations of the Federal Government, in passing bills of pains and penalties to terrify a spirited people into servitude, in depriving the Governor of his just constitutional authority, and in abdicating their share of the Government by formally inviting a Federal military force to take posses sion of the State, well knowing, as they did, that this military force would supersede the State Government. Of that body nearly onefourth have retired because of the military occupation of the State, and the seizure, impris onment, pursuit, and exile of many of the most eminent and patriotic citizens of the State by that military force. The voices of these members can no longer be heard in the councils of the State, nor their votes be taken. The Legislature is thus, to say the least of it, a mutilated department of the State Government.

It is true that there remains a sufficient number for a quorum; but are they free? For, Presently a Federal army was in possession when the Federal Government takes military of large portions of the State, and the conspir-possession of a State, its Legislature must con