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The Confederate Government determined to secure central Kentucky. Two expeditions were planned to invade the eastern section of that State. General Humphrey Marshall, with 3000 men, prepared to descend the valley of the Big Sandy River, and General Felix Zollicoffer, with 10,000, began a movement from Tennessee towards the central section of the State.

Colonel James A. Garfield, commanding the Forty-second Ohio regiment at Columbus, was directed by Buell to proceed with his own and two other regiments against Marshall. He went up the Big Jan. 9. Sandy and attacked him; the Confederates fled in confusion. The battle was quickly over, but the victory secured eastern Kentucky to the Union.

Two Union brigades - one under General George B. Thomas, at Columbia, the other under General Schoepf, at Somerset, twenty miles farther east-were moving towards

Mill Springs to confront Zollicoffer. The Confederate commander resolved to make a rapid march by night, and fall upon Thomas before the brigades united.

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Jan. 19.

HENRY W. HALLECK.

In the dim light of the winter morning the Union pickets discovered the advancing Confederates. The drums beat the long roll, and Thomas's lines were quickly formed. The battle raged furiously, but after an hour's strug gle the Confederates fled in disorder. Zollicoffer, whom we have seen member of the Peace Convention before the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, had been killed. The successes of Garfield and Thomas aroused the enthusiasm of the country. The President issued a letter, congratulating the troops upon the victories. More than half of the Union soldiers engaged were Kentuckians. People began to see how wise and prudent the President had been in his course. The State had abandoned its neutral position, and was standing by the Union.

Mr. Lincoln suggested a general movement towards Richmond, which would threaten communication between that city and Johnston's army at Centreville. This the reply of McClellan :

"Information leads me to believe that the enemy could meet us in front with nearly equal forces, and I have my mind actively turned towards another campaign that I do not think at all anticipated by the enemy, nor by many of our own people." (')

The army in and around Washington numbered nearly 200,000 men. McClellan had employed Mr. Pinkerton to ascertain the number of Confederate troops at Centreville and Manassas. His spies reported there were 80,000 immediately in front of Washington, 18,000 of them supporting the batteries along the Potomac; that the total Confederate force in Northern Virginia was 115,000. The reports were greatly exaggerated. We now know the force was only 47,000.

The discontent of the people at the inaction of the army manifested itself in Congress by the appointment of a "Committee on the Conduct of the War." McClellan paid little heed to the murmurings of the people or to the committee of Congress. He was taken ill and confined several weeks to his chamber.

The President was in distress over the prospect, and held a conference with General McDowell and General Franklin.

"I am in great trouble," he said, "for if something is not soon done the bottom will be out of the whole affair. If General McClellan does borrow it, provided I can What movement, General

not want to use the army, I would like to see how it can be made to do something. McDowell, can be made?"

McDowell replied that an advance against both flanks of the Confederate army would compel it to leave the intrenchments at Centreville and accept battle on terms favorable to the Union troops. General Franklin thought it would be better to move on Richmond by way of York River.

"But that will require a great number of vessels and involve a large expense," the President replied. "Think the matter over, and let me know your conclusions to-morrow evening."

Jan. 11.

"In view of the time and means it would require to take the army to a distant base, operations can best be carried on from the present position," read the paper prepared by McDowell and Franklin. Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, Mr. Blair, and Quartermaster-general Meigs were present when the paper was submitted, but nothing was decided. A second conference was held with McClellan present. McDowell, with proper deference to his superior officer, and to the President as commander-in-chief, said he had submitted his suggestions at the request of Mr. Lincoln.

Jan. 13.

"You are entitled to have any opinion you please," the curt reply of McClellan. (2)

The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, asked McClellan what his plans were, and what he intended to do with the army. It was a plain question, put by a member of the Cabinet upon whom rested the great burden of providing money for carrying on the war. The expenses were more than $1,000,000 a day, and the army was doing nothing. Mr. Chase doubtless thought he had some right to know what the commander of the army intended to do.

"I must deny," McClellan replied, "the right of the Secretary of the Treasury to question me upon the military affairs committed to my charge. The President and Secretary of War alone have the right to question me."

McClellan was much disturbed because the President had conferred with two subordinate officers. He regarded it as an attempt to bring about his removal-" to dispose of the military goods and chattels," he said, "of the sick man, so inopportunely restored to life.”(')

The conclusion was unwarranted. The President knew something must be done. The people were holding him responsible. As things were drifting, the war would soon end in failure.

"Well, General McClellan, I think you had better tell us what your plans are," said Mr. Lincoln.

McClellan replied that the President knew in general what his designs were, but he should decline to give any information unless so ordered. He said: "I trust you will not allow yourself to be acted upon by improper influence, but still to trust me. If you will leave military matters to me, I will be responsible that I will bring matters to a successful issue, and free you from all troubles."(*)

Gloom was settling upon the army. The soldiers were weary of the routine of camp drill. The hospitals were filled with sick. People from the North were sending them delicacies, books, and newspapers. The Hutchinsons a family of vocalists who had been singing songs and ballads over the country - came to cheer them. President Lincoln had heard them in Springfield, and invited them to sing in the White House. The piano was opened, but found to be out of tune.

"If you will wait a moment we will use our own instrument," said John W. Hutchinson. He ran to their carriage, standing under the portico at the door, and brought in a melodeon.

"I remember one song that you sung when you were in Springfield,” said the President. "It was a good while ago ten years, perhaps―

but I never have forgotten it. It was about a ship on fire, and I want

to hear it again.”(°)

The song was sung. The look of care and anxiety which had settled upon his face gave place to the old-time smile. He thanked them heartily for the pleasure they had given him.

"You must come over into Virginia and sing to the soldiers," said a chaplain of a New Jersey regiment.

"Certainly. Go by all means, only don't sing any secession songs," said the Secretary of War.

With a pass from McClellan the vocalists made their way to Alexandria. The soldiers were delighted.

John G. Whittier for thirty years had been writing songs of Freedom. He was waiting for the deliverance of the land from the curse of slavery biding God's time. His soul was stirred with indignation as he read the proclamation of McClellan: that there should be no interference with slavery (see p. 265). Fremont's proclamation freeing slaves in Missouri aroused his enthusiasm. It had been set aside by the President. The poet recalled a hymn written by Martin Luther"A Strong Fortress is our God." His soul burst forth:

"We wait beneath the furnace blast,

The pangs of transformation;

Not painlessly doth God recast

And mould anew the nation.

Hot burns the fire

Where wrongs expire;
Nor spares the hand

That from the land
Uproots the ancient evil."

This was sung by the Hutchinsons.

Some of the soldiers had enlisted solely to fight for the restoration of the Union; others wanted to annihilate the institution which had caused the war. Again the music:

"In vain the bells of war shall ring

Of triumph and revenges,

While still is spared the evil thing
That severs and estranges.

But blest the ear

That yet shall hear

The jubilant bell
That rings the knell

Of slavery forever."

A hiss—a long, loud, venomous hiss—from the surgeon of the regiment. "You do that again and I'll put you out!" shouted the officer of the day. Cheers, hisses, and uproar followed. A few hours later a despatch came over the wires:

"By direction of Major-general McClellan, the permit given to the Hutchinson Fam ily to sing in the camps and their pass to cross the Potomac are revoked, and they will not be allowed to sing to the troops."

The vocalists returned to Washington, and called upon their oldtime friend, Secretary Chase.

"I would like to take Whittier's hymn into the Cabinet meeting. I never have seen it before, and I doubt if the members of the Cabinet are familiar with it," he said. He thereupon read it to the President.

"I don't see anything very bad about that. If any of the commanders want the Hutchinsons to sing to their soldiers, and invite them, they can go," said Mr. Lincoln. (°)

Little did McClellan comprehend what would be the outcome of his revocation of the pass given to the Hutchinsons. Throughout the North it was interpreted as an indication that his sympathies were with the slave-holders. People sent letters to members of Congress, urging them to use their influence with the President to secure his removal. Mr. Lincoln listened patiently to their complaints, but made no promises.

There was much dissatisfaction with Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War. He had made extravagant contracts. The inactivity of the army was attributed partly to a lack of energy in the War Department. The time had come for a change. His resignation was accepted, and he was sent as Minister to Russia. Whom should the President appoint in his stead? Those who knew what service Edwin M. Stanton had rendered the country when in Buchanan's Cabinethow true he had been to the Union; how he had confronted John B. Floyd, Jacob Thompson, Howell Cobb, and the other conspirators— presented his name to the President. Edwin M. Stanton! Was it not he who treated Mr. Lincoln rudely in Cincinnati? (see p. 162). Would the President be willing to appoint a man to a responsible position with whom he must have daily conferences, who had all but insulted him on a former occasion? Yes. He would appoint him. True, Mr. Stanton was rude, and had a quick temper-could be hard, cold,

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