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General Butler was a lawyer. He was quick to comprehend the statement. The time had come when he could strike a blow at the corner-stone of the Confederacy.

"I am greatly embarrassed," he wrote to the Secretary of War, "by the number of slaves that are coming in from the surrounding country and seeking protection within the lines of my camp. I have determined to regard them as contraband of war, and to employ their labor at a fair compensation, against which should be charged their support." "The Government approves of your course," replied the Secretary. "You are not to interfere between master and slave on the one May 30. hand, nor surrender slaves who may come within your lines." Under the decision of General Butler the "corner-stone" began to crumble. We have seen that the President did not believe in the sud

DOUGLAS MONUMENT.

den and immediate abolition of slavery. He thought it would not be well for the country. We shall see further on how time and the sequence of events enabled him at the right time to abolish slavery."

Sad news came to the President from Chicago: the death of Senator Douglas, his old political opponent, yet his hearty supporter

in the crucial hour at the

June 3. beginning of the war. By his patriotic action Douglas had turned the great multitude of his followers to the support of Mr. Lincoln.

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than 30,000 troops had gathered at Washington-men who were to serve three months. Another large army had gathered at Harper's Ferry. "On to Richmond!" the cry.

A like activity in the South had organized two large Confederate armies: one at the Manassas Junction, under Beauregard; one in the Shenandoah Valley, under General Johnston. The Confederates had been swept out of West Virginia and Missouri. Eastern Tennessee had declared for the Union. President Lincoln earnestly desired to send a body of troops to aid in holding that section of the State. Judge Robertson and another gentleman hastened to Washington to protest against the marching of Union troops across Kentucky. The President heard what they had to say: That Kentucky must be neutral. If Union troops were to enter the State, Confederates would do the same. Both parties must be kept out.

"Gentlemen," said Mr. Lincoln, "my position in regard to your State is like that of the man who one night found that a rattlesnake had crawled into bed where his children were sleeping. What should he do? Leave the snake to bite the children the moment they stirred? If he struck a blow it might kill them. He could not leave them to certain death. He must strike, even if in so doing he were to kill them. So it is with me. I know Kentucky and Tennessee are infested with the enemies of the Union, but I know that there are thousands of patriots in both, who will be persecuted even unto death unless the strong hand of the Government is interposed for their protection and We must go in. The old flag must be carried into Tennessee at whatever hazard."

rescue.

At heart the gentlemen were Secessionists, and went home greatly chagrined over the result of their mission. (")

The term of service of many regiments would expire before the end of July. The time had come for a movement of the troops. The Northern people expected to see the army under Beauregard swept aside, the Union soldiers marching into Richmond, and Jefferson Davis fleeing southward. President Lincoln did not share in the general enthusiasm. Through life he had accustomed himself to look at both sides of a case. In his law practice he had endeavored to see what his opponent could do, and to shape his own course accordingly. He knew there was little difference between the men of the North and the South; that both were brave, both would fight, both endure.

The advance, the battle, the stealing away of Johnston from the Shenandoah, the failure of Patterson to prevent the junction of Johnston

with Beauregard, the arrival of Johnston's last brigade when the battle was going against Beauregard, the panic of the Union troops, their drifting back to Washington, is given in the history of the war. July 19. (See "Drum-beat of the Nation.") No one in Washington-official or private citizen-could feel more keenly than the President the mortification of the disaster.

Mr. Lincoln saw that General Scott was too old and feeble to organize a great army. Whom should he appoint? General McDowell had been defeated. General Patterson had failed to accomplish what was expected of him. The only officer who had won distinction was General McClellan, in command of the Ohio troops in West Virginia. General Rosecrans, in command of a brigade, planned and executed a movement at Laurel Mountain, resulting in victory which had been much glorified by McClellan's despatch:

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'Garnett and forces routed. His army demolished. Garnett killed. We have annihilated the enemy in Western Virginia. Have lost thirteen killed and not more than forty wounded. We have killed in all at least two hundred of the enemy, and the prisoners will amount to at least one thousand. Have taken seven guns in all. The troops defeated are the crack troops of Eastern Virginia, aided by Georgians, Tennesseeans, and Carolinians. Our success is complete, and secession is killed in this country.” (13)

It was such a bulletin as Napoleon was accustomed to issue to awaken enthusiasm. The despatch brought McClellan prominently into notice. He was looked upon as a great commander. By the advice of General Scott, the President called him to Washington to organize the troops arriving in that city and make preparations for a vigorous campaign.

He established his headquarters in an elegant mansion and appointed a large staff. His coming, however, did not diminish the troubles experienced by the President, but increased them.

McClellan informed General Scott there were 100,000 Confederate troops at Manassas, and urged that all available regiments be hurried to Washington regardless of other localities. He wanted a very large section of the Northern States merged into one department and placed under his own control. (") He intimated to the President that General Scott was remiss in his duties and incompetent to command. (") The venerable lieutenant-general could not condescend to reply to a letter which he regarded as very offensive and insulting. He asked the President to retire him from further service.

Mr. Lincoln endeavored to restore amicable relations between the

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two commanders-one old and honored, the other young and inexperienced. The President called in person upon the venerable commander. He addressed a kind and conciliatory letter to McClellan, who replied, desiring to withdraw the letter he had written reflecting upon Scott. General Scott received a second letter from McClellan, which he regarded as offensive.

General McClellan was subordinate to General Scott, but he made no report of his proceedings. He consulted with members of the Cabinet, and not with his superior commander. "He is," wrote Scott to the Secretary of War, "in frequent conversation with portions of the Cabinet on matters pertaining to me. That freedom of access and consultation have, very naturally, deluded the junior into a feeling of indifference towards his senior. With such supports on his part, it would

be as idle for me as it would be against the dignity of my years to be filing daily complaints against an ambitious junior."

The request of General Scott to be placed upon the retired list was granted. The President and Cabinet waited upon him in a body at his residence to pay their respects to one who had rendered great service to his country. With his retirement General McClellan became commander of the great army assembling at Washington.

Aug. 28.

A fleet under Commodore Stringham sailed from Fortress Monroe southward to Hatteras Inlet and rained shells upon the Confederate fortifications at that point, compelling their surrender. General Butler, with a body of troops, took possession, thus closing the passage to vessels from England, which had been furnishing the Confederates with supplies, and it enabled the Union fleets to gain access to Pamlico and Albermarle sounds.

General Butler received a letter from the President, who desired to see him.

"You are out of a job, general," said Mr. Lincoln. "Now, if we only had the troops, I would like to send an expedition either against Mobile, New Orleans, or Galveston. But the regiments are filling up slowly."

"Mr. President, you have given me leave to tell you wherein I differ from the Administration," said Butler. "In one thing you are making this too much a party war. That, perhaps, is not the fault of the Administration, but the result of political conditions. All Northern Governors are Republicans, and they, of course, appoint only their Republican friends as officers of regiments, who, of course, only recruit Republicans. Now this war cannot go on as a party war; you must get Democrats into it, and there are thousands of patriotic Democrats who would go into it if they could see any opportunity to do so on equal terms with the Republicans. Besides, it is not good politics. An election is coming on for Congressmen next year, and if you get all the Republicans sent out as soldiers, and the Democrats not interested, I do not see but you will be beaten."

"There is meat in that, general. What is your suggestion?"

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'Empower me to raise volunteers and select the officers, and I will go to New England and raise a division of six thousand men in sixty days. If you will give me the power to select the officers, I shall choose all Democrats."

"Draw such an order as you want, but don't get me into a scrape with the Governors about the appointment of the officers if you can help it.(1)

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