The rival conventions adjourned without nominating candidates for the Presidency. They were to reassemble in Baltimore in the month of May.

The Whig Party also met in Baltimore. Southern men controlled the convention. They nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-president. Public opinion in the Northern States regarded Everett as the greater statesman. One editor called it the "Kangaroo" ticket, as its hind legs were longest. I was present as a journalist, and noticed that the antagonism of the delegates from the Southern States was very much more intense against the Republican Party than against either wing of the Democratic Party.

At the Capitol (Washington) Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi; Robert

Toombs, of Georgia;

BENJAMIN F. BUTLER.

John M. Mason, of Virginia; and Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana, were crowding Douglas to the wall. Like a stag at bay he confronted them, manifesting marvellous power and boldness in debate. Better than any other Northern Senator he understood their purpose. He had been deep in their counsels. He was experiencing the implacable hate of the slave oligarchy towards one whom they could not control. The Republican Senators had little sympathy for Douglas. They took no part in the debate. I was sitting on a sofa in the Senate chamber with Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, when Senator Seward entered.

"He is to be our next President. He feels it; you can see it in his actions," the remark of Senator Wilson, who was regarded as one of the far-sighted politicians of the period. He knew every phase of public sentiment in the Eastern States, but he did not fully comprehend the rapid development of thought and feeling in the West.

At that time (May 10, 1864) the Illinois Republicans were assembled in convention at Decatur, where Abraham Lincoln once split rails for Nancy Miller. Richard Oglesby was chairman of the convention.

"Gentlemen," he said, "two old Democrats want to make a contribution to the meeting."

Two farmers thereupon entered the room, each with a fence rail on his shoulder bearing this inscription:

ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE RAIL CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY, 1860! Two rails from a lot of 3000 made in 1830 by Thomas Hanks and Abraham Lincoln.

Delegates and spectators sprung to their feet, mounted the seats, swung their hats, and shouted: "Lincoln! Lincoln! Abe! Abe!"

"It is true I helped build a house for my father," Mr. Lincoln said, as he rose to speak. "It is true that Thomas Hanks and myself split rails. Whether these are some of the identical rails I cannot say. Quite likely they are."

The dramatic scene had not been planned by politicians. It was the outcome of the thought of a plain farmer who formerly had been a Democrat, but who had become a Republican.

"They are talking of you for President," said a friend.

66

They ought to select some one who knows more than I do," Mr. Lincoln replied. (')

It was voted to present his name at the National Convention. This action was brought about mainly by Leonard Swett, B. C. Cook, Norman B. Judd, and

not to conclude that it was wholly a surprise to Mr. Lincoln. He knew people were talking about him as a possible candidate. He had endeared himself to the Republicans of the State by his devotion to principle, his debates with Douglas, his unselfish action in securing the election of Senator Trumbull. They loved him for his noble manhood and the simplicity of his character. During a journey from Washington to Pittsburg I conversed

RICHARD OGLESBY.

with men prominent in political affairs, and was convinced that Mr. Seward would not receive the votes of Pennsylvania in the convention. For more than a third of a century New York and Pennsylvania had been rival States for political prestige and power. New York had assumed to be the "Empire State;" Pennsylvania prided herself on being the "Keystone" in the arch of the republic. It was plain that Pennsylvania did not intend to support the favorite son of the Empire State. In Ohio there was a moderate enthusiasm for Mr. Chase, but I could not discover active effort being made to secure his nomination. Of public sentiment in Indiana I could form no definite opinion, except that the candidate ought to be from the great and growing West. Arriving in Chicago several days before the assembling of the convention, I found a number of delegates from St. Louis actively advocating the nomination of Mr. Bates. In no city of the Union had there been so rapid a

development of Republican sentiment as in St. Louis, and the delegates believed, or affected to believe, that with Mr. Bates they could secure the electoral vote of the State.

There was but one name on the lips of the Republicans of Illinois -Abraham Lincoln. They knew him; had looked into his kindly face; had listened to his unanswerable arguments in the debates with Douglas, as clear and demonstrable as a proposition from "Euclid.”

Mr. Thurlow Weed, of Albany, was managing affairs in the interest of Mr. Seward. He had engaged a number of rooms at the hotels. His agents were in Chicago previous to the assembling of the convention. He had men on the ground to ask admission to the convention as delegates from Texas and other Southern States, to cast their ballots for Mr. Seward. I discovered companies of men strolling the streets-half a dozen in a band-hurrahing for Seward. The train from New York bringing the delegates was decorated with flags. A brass band played the "Star Spangled Banner" and "Yankee Doodle." Seward was an experienced statesman, who had had long acquaintance with public affairs. Lincoln was only a homespun lawyer who had been in Congress but one term. "A rail-splitter! What did he know of the needs of the nation? Hurrah for Seward!" such the argument.

The Republicans of Chicago had erected a building sufficiently large to accommodate 10,000 people. They called it "The Wigwam." It was plain, unpretentious-built for the accommodation not only of the delegates, but of the people. Significant the holding of the convention of the new party of the people in the rapidly-growing city of the West in contrast to that of the Democratic Party in the old City of Charleston, which had come to a stand-still. In Charleston every movement of the slave aristocracy looked towards disintegration and defeat; in Chicago the enthusiasm was indicative of harmony and victory.

May 16, 1860.

The first day was spent in organization. George Ashman, of Massachusetts, was president of the convention. I noticed, as I sat at a small table in the section assigned to representatives of the Press, that when Mr. Seward's name was mentioned there was an outburst of applause in different parts of the great auditorium. The leaders had received their instructions from Thurlow Weed, of Albany, who happened to sit by my side, who was not using his pen, but who saw everything that was going on. The organization and the enthusiasm of the convention was all that he could desire for bringing about the nomination of Mr. Seward. The second day was given to preparing the platform and canvassing for candidates.