A RAILWAY POTENTATE.

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the opening of the Western division he was put in charge of that, and there he remained till he was called to take control of the entire line, in consequence of the ill-health of General H. J. Lombaert, the superintendent. In 1859, on the death of Hon. William B. Foster, vice-president of the road, he was elected to that position, which he continues to fill.

There is no romance in this career, and yet how few now living excite so much curiosity and attract so much attention as Thomas Alexander Scott! His rapidity and courage alike as an administrative and executive officer have given him a prestige known wherever a railroad is operated. It was these qualities that induced the Administration to call him into the government service as Assistant Secretary of War after the outbreak of the rebellion; and those of us who studied him then can well understand how thoroughly he deserves his present high reputation. He was summoned to Washington early in 1861, at a period when the whole North was panic-strickenwhen the capital was cut off by the rebels lying between it and the Susquehanna. A man of railroad genius, tact, and expe rience was imperatively needed. Governor Curtin wanted him to remain in Pennsylvania, but Mr. Lincoln, the Secretary of War, and General Scott insisted that the young vice-president of the Pennsylvania Central should be forthcoming, and he came, and effectually aided General Butler, then at Annapolis with his Massachusetts men, to build the road which opened the way and restored the line of communication, and so saved Washington from capture. He remained at his desk in the War Department, unless when called off to superintend the vast military transportation of the army at other points, until the crisis was over, and then returned to his post at Philadelphia, surrounded with the confidence and gratitude of every branch of the government, executive and legislative. His cheerful and buoyant temper, his bright face, genial, gentle manners, and, above all, the readiness with which he answered every request,

and the grace with which he would say No, as he had frequently to do, proved that official labors came easy and natural to him, and that the cares so sure to break down an ordinary man bore lightly upon him. It was pleasant to note how quietly he met the leaders of armies and the leaders of the Senate, and how in every circle, no matter what the theme, he was unconstrained and self-poised. Perhaps one of the secrets of his popularity was his avoidance of all political discussions. Intensely attached to his country, Colonel Scott is claimed by no party, and has as many friends in one as in the other. His early training was among Democrats, though many of his nearest connections were Old-line Whigs, and are Republicans. As the real head of an enterprise which is gradually assuming more than international proportions, and must depend for its success upon the support of the whole people, he has little time to play at the petty party politics of the hour. He possesses two inborn gifts, uncommon to one who has not seen the inside of a school-house since his eleventh year-intuitive mathematical perception and singular ability in preparing legislation. He dispatches business with electric facility. He dictates to his short-hand reporter as rapidly as an expert, and when he rises to speak in any of the business conventions, his suggestions are so many flashes of intellect, and his sentences short, terse, and clear. He is happy in the capacity of getting rid of difficult questions in a moment. One subject dropped he seizes the other at the proper time, and is as punctual to a promise, an engagement, or a contract, as he is faithful to a friend.

Some time ago, in one of the managers' cars of the Pennsylvania Central, I sat by, a surprised and amused observer. At every station dispatches would be brought to him, which he tore open and promptly answered, and then resumed the thread of the conversation. Sometimes a railroad president or official, belonging to another State, would come in at the door while the train waited, state his case, and receive his reply. Some

times a negotiation would be conducted between the stations, and yet, at the end of every such passage, he would move over to me, where I sat, and renew his pleasant and instructive talk.

Such are some of the leading traits of Thomas Alexander Scott, or "Aleck," as he used to be called while transacting business for his friend, Metcalf, in Franklin County. It is proper to add that no man has ever been more endeared to his associates in business. I wish I could refer to instances of his generosity to his family and to his friends, but this is a subject upon which he is a little sensitive, and yet he never seems to tire in doing good-never forgets the intimates of his early career, the men who served with him when he was a clerk, agent, or superintendent. Although overwhelmed with engagements, he never allows a case of suffering or misfortune to pass him unheeded. It deserves to be said that in his capacity as the active head of a gigantic corporation, he has never gambled with its great interests at the stock exchange, never corrupted judges or juries, never turned what belonged to others to selfish or mercenary ends; and it is undoubtedly to his exact, accurate, and inflexible business principles that the sound and permanent prosperity of the Pennsylvania Central is chiefly indebted.

I conclude this hasty sketch of my old friend by relating an incident of his promptitude. Some years ago, when his presence was necessary at an extraordinary crisis in the affairs of the company, he started from Pittsburgh on an express train, and found himself, after some hours' travel, obstructed by another train, which had run off the track. The debris, the fragments, and confusion produced by the accident would have required at least a day for their removal. The engineers were in despair. After a moment's reflection the Colonel directed that the whole of the wreck should be burned, and the torch was applied to the valuable machinery, cars, and goods that lay scattered around. Of course he made his destination; but when he

reached the company and told his story, there was some indig nation at what they regarded a waste of property. Colonel Scott sat down and soon convinced them, by a calculation estimating the loss that would accrue by the delay of trains, etc., that he had really saved a considerable sum by the transaction. The brain-work of a man like Colonel Scott is immense, but he enjoys the rare facility of dismissing troublesome questions from his mind. He never takes his sorrows with him to bed. When his day's work is done he retires with a sunny face to his home, enjoys the society of his family, plays croquet or whist, rides around the park, looks in at the opera, and now and then mingles with a company of his friends. Of simple habits and refined tastes, he ought to live a long life. That he may so live is my sincere and earnest prayer.

[June 18, 1871.]

XXIV.

A FASCINATING volume might be written of the men who were identified with Government newspapers in Washington under the old régime, beginning with Joseph Gales and William Winston Seaton, and running on to Duff Green, Amos Kendall, Francis P. Blair, John C. Rives, Thomas Ritchie, Robert Armstrong, A. O. P. Nicholson, Roger A. Pryor, Charles Eames, Wm. M. Overton, George S. Gideon, Simeon M. Johnson, William M. Browne, George W. Bowman, Alexander C. Bullet, and others. Of this long list those who survive are Duff Green, now at a very advanced age; Francis P. Blair, the generous host at Silver Spring, Maryland, near Washington; A. O. P. Nicholson, residing at Columbia, Tennessee; George S. Gideon and Simeon M. Johnson, of Washington; Roger A. Pryor, practicing law in New York; George W. Bowman, Pennsylvania, and Will

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iam M. Browne, who was in the South when last heard from. All the papers with which they were connected have passed out of existence excepting The Globe, now the almost exclusive record of Congressional debates, published by F. & J. Rives and George A. Bailey, to whom it is a source of enormous revenue. In former times what was called the national organ was liberally sustained by the advertising and the printing of the Gov-ernment, and the proprietors, who ought to have grown rich, were most generous in the treatment of their editors. It is a grave question whether there has been any actual saving by divorcing the public printing from the press. Certain it is that ever since newspapers at Washington have had to depend upon their own energies they have had a hard struggle. Several attempts have been made to build upon the great profits of The Congressional Globe a permanent organ, representing the political party in the possession of the Government for the time being, but they have failed in succession; yet I do not doubt that if ever the Democracy get control of the Government they will accomplish precisely what the Republicans have not had the courage or strength to carry through. No class of men do harder work for less pay than the political writers at Washington, and none, if properly sustained, can exert a wider or better influence. Proprietors of newspapers at the national capital must now spend vast sums of money for editorial assistance, news, correspondence, etc., yet their incomes are comparatively small. They have no large population around them, and as yet no active, progressive States south of them. If the old system were resumed, or another adopted by which, under proper regulations, the profits of the public printing could be secured to the organ of the party in the majority, I have not the slightest doubt the treasury would be the gainer in the end. Abundant experience has shown, at least in this country, that whenever Government undertakes to carry on business which belongs to individuals, it does so at a dead loss.