CHAPTER II.

BELGIUM-PRUSSIA-AUSTRIA.

BELGIUM.-Death of Leopold I., King of the Belgians-Royal speech of his successor, Leopold II.-Sympathizing message from the Emperor of the French.

PRUSSIA. Despatch of the Bavarian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Prussian Government in answer to the letter of Herr von Bismark-Speech of the President at the opening of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies-Speech of Herr von Bismark during the debate on the Address-Discussion on the Address-Reply of the King -The Prussian Budget-Bill for increase of the Prussian navy negatived-Bill to legalize the increase of the army also negatived-Speech of Herr von Bismark on the Schleswig-Holstein Question-Bill for defraying the expenses of the war with Denmark negatived-Speech of Herr von Bismark in closing the Session - Royal decree with reference to supplies-Convention between Prussia and Austria at Gastein with reference to the Duchies-Views of the English and French Governments on this Convention-Declaration of Prussia and Austria at the Frankfort Diet-Circular of delegates of the Minor German States on the subject of the Convention-Proclamations of the Prussian Governor of Schleswig and the Austrian Governor of Holstein-Opinion of the Prussian Crown lawyers on the question of succession to the Duchies-Reproofs addressed by the Prussian and Austrian Governments to the Frankfort Senate-Meeting at Frankfort of the German National Verein.

AUSTRIA. Change in the Austrian Cabinet-Circular of Count Belcredi, the new Minister of State-Imperial warrant for the Convocation of the Transylvanian Diet -Imperial Manifesto-Speech of the Emperor at the opening of the Hungarian Diet-Addresses of the President and Vice-President-Resolution adopted by the Transylvanian Diet.

BELGIUM.

LEOPOLD I., the King of the Belgians, and uncle of Queen Victoria, died on the 9th of December, this year, at his palace of Laeken. He was 75 years old and had reigned 34 years and a half. He was succeeded by his eldest son, now Leopold II., who was immediately proclaimed King, and on the 17th took the oath to observe the Constitution and the laws. The same day he addressed the Chambers in the following speech from the throne:

"Gentlemen, -Belgium with myself has lost a father. The homage so unanimous which the nation is paying to his memory worthily accords with the sentiments which it professed towards him during his life. I am alike touched and grateful for it. Europe itself has not remained indifferent to this mourning. Sovereigns and foreign princes have wished to take part in the last honours which we pay to him whom they had placed so high in their confidence and friendship. In our name and in the name of Belgium I thank them for it. Succeeding to-day to a father so honoured in his lifetime, so regretted after his death, my first engagement before the elect of the nation is to follow religiously the

precepts and examples which his wisdom has bequeathed to me, and never to forget what duties are imposed upon me by the precious heritage. If I do not promise to Belgium either a great reign, like that which founded its independence, or a great King, like him whom we lament, I do at least promise a King Belgian at heart and in mind, whose whole life belongs to it. The first King of the Belgians to whom Belgium has given birth, I have from my infancy been associated with all the patriotic emotions of my country. Like it I have followed with joy that national development which fosters all the sources of strength and prosperity. Like it, I love those grand institutions which are at the same time guarantees of order and of liberty, and which form the most solid bases of the throne. In my thought, the future of Belgium has always been identified with my own, and I have always considered it with that confidence which is inspired by the right of a nation free, honourable, and courageous, which wills its independence, which has known how to conquer it, and which will know how to retain it. I have not forgotten, gentlemen, the marks of goodwill which I received at the period of my majority, when I came to associate myself in your legislative labours, and some months afterwards, on the occasion of my marriage with a princess who shares all my sentiments towards the country, and inspires them in our children. It has been pleasant to recognize in these spontaneous manifestations the unanimous agreement of populations. For my part, I have never made any distinction between Belgians. All devoted to their country, I regard them in a common affection. My constitutional mission places me beyond the contests of opinions, leaving it to the country itself to decide between them. I desire earnestly that their differences may always be tempered by that spirit of national fraternity which unites at this moment round the same flag all the children of the Belgian family. Gentlemen, during the last thirty-five years Belgium has been able to accomplish things which, in a country of such an extent, have rarely been accomplished by a single generation. But the edifice of which the Congress laid the foundation can and will be raised still higher. My sympathetic concurrence is assured to all those who devote to this work their intelligence and their labours. It is by persisting in this path of activity and of wise progress that Belgium will more and more strengthen her institutions within, while beyond she will preserve that esteem which the Powers guarantors of her independence and other foreign States have never ceased to exhibit, and of which they again to-day offer a renewed evidence. In mounting the throne, my father said to the Belgians, 'My heart knows no other ambition than to see you happy.' These words, which his entire reign has justified, I do not fear to repeat in my own name. God has deigned to grant the wish which they expressed. May He again listen to it this day, and render me the worthy successor of my father! And I beseech Him from the bottom of my soul to continue to protect our dear Belgium."

Sinister rumours had been afloat in some quarters as to attempts that might be made by the Emperor of the French to aggrandize France at the expense of Belgium, on the occasion of Leopold's death. But nothing of the kind happened, and the Emperor greeted the new Sovereign in the kindest and most friendly terms. He sent the following message by telegraph to Brussels:

"The Empress and myself sympathize most deeply in the affliction which has befallen you. Your august father always displayed great affection towards me, and I always entertained for him the same feeling. King Leopold was renowned for his great intelligence and wisdom. He was one of the most justly revered monarchs of Europe. I hope that on the throne you will follow the great example bequeathed by your illustrious predecessor. On every occasion I shall be happy to give you proof of the affection I feel for you."

PRUSSIA.

WE mentioned in our last volume the sharp reprimand addressed by Herr von Bismark to the Minor German Governments in consequence of the resolution come to by the Frankfort Diet on the question of the cessation of "Federal Execution" in the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg. In reply to this, a despatch was written by Herr von der Pfordten, the Bavarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which he said :

"It is certainly but natural, and has always been the case, that when a resolution of the Diet is impending, individual Federal Governments have endeavoured to gain over others to their opinions. But, unless I am mistaken, it has not been hitherto usual to enter upon a criticism of divergent votes after the resolution has been passed, and to engage in correspondence upon the subject outside the Federal Diet. At any rate, I find myself unable to do so at present, in order to avoid even the appearance of the King's Government recognizing the right of any other Federal Government to call it to account for its votes. In face of this objection the idea that such subsequent discussion might lead to a certainly desirable agreement of opinions can have no weight, and the less so as experience shows that retrospective polemics hardly ever bring about an understanding.

"In so far, on the other hand, as the Prussian Government wishes to call attention to dangers which threaten the continuance of the Federation, we are perfectly willing to follow it upon this field of examination, for we sincerely desire the preservation of this bond of the entire German nation, and recognize the duty of all Federal Governments to co-operate for the removal and guard

ing against dangers which might be prejudicial to the preservation of the Diet.

"From this point of view we have very carefully considered the despatch of the Prussian Minister of State, and, with him, have arrived at the conviction that the continued existence of the Confederation was certainly seriously threatened upon the occasion of that question which was decided by the Federal resolution of the 5th December last. But we are unfortunately unable to admit the same identity of view as to the ground and origin of that danger.

"The danger of a break-up of the Confederation did not lie in the views of the minority upon the 7th of December in the preceding year, and the 5th of December last, as to the right of the Confederation to occupy the Duchies, but in the views of the Prussian Government as to its right to take the law into its own hands.

"The question of occupation is in other respects now settled; but the Prussian Minister of State at the same time considers it not superfluous to leave us no doubt as to the determination of the Prussian Government, in face of every wrongly-passed resolution of the Diet, to make full use of the liberty of action for the preservation of its rights accruing to it from the violation of treaties. We are, therefore, almost forced to believe that the real object of Herr von Bismark's despatch is to deter the King's Government from every further vote in the Federal Assembly to which the Prussian Government does not acknowledge its right. Should this be so, we must equally leave no doubt to the Prussian Government that it is our firm determination, as hitherto so also in future, to base our votes solely upon our own convictions, and only to permit the fundamental laws and resolutions of the Federal Assembly to decide upon its competence, and not the will of an individual Government.

"We attach value to the continuance of the Confederation, not, indeed, because it affords us greater advantages or security than any other members of the Diet, but because, as we have already stated, we consider it a duty to uphold the political bond of the entire German nation. But it is not our intention to allow the character of the Confederation, as an association of States having equal rights, to be shackled in such a manner that a single member should be able to prescribe the measure of its action."

When the Prussian Chamber of Deputies met in January, Herr Grabow was elected President by an immense majority. Upon taking the chair he spoke as follows:

"Gentlemen,-Elected by your choice to the arduous office of President of this House for the duration of the present Session, I return my warmest thanks for this new proof that your former confidence, honouring me with so high a degree, has been preserved unshaken. It imposes upon me the inevitable duty of responding to your call. I shall endeavour upon this occasion

also to fulfil my difficult task, so far as my bodily health will permit, with all my strength, knowledge, and mind, faithfully, conscientiously, and impartially; and I earnestly beg of you, gentlemen, to support me in the execution of my office and the conduct of business, as kindly, indulgently, and powerfully as you have formerly done. Gentlemen, at our last dismissal the hope of an understanding with this House was temporarily abandoned. Since that period prosecutions of the Liberal press, reprimands of Liberal officials, non-confirmations of Liberal communal elections, defamations, suspicions, and calumnies of Liberal citizens, have taken place to an even greater extent than in former years. Liberal opinions are outlawed. Fidelity to convictions, the greatest ornament of old Prussian officials, has been placed under the Neo-Prussian ban. The axe has been laid to the tree of the self-administration of towns and communes bearing since 1808 the glorious fruits of community of opinion and welfare, in order to turn back that thrice-tried public opinion which is the strongest power in the State, to compel the Chamber of Deputies to subjection, and thereby to lay violent hands upon the arteries of the Constitution. But the conscience of the Prussian people and of its chosen representatives, who have sworn before God and the Crown faithfully to observe that Constitution, will not allow itself to be intimidated by any power upon earth from maintaining the Constitutional rights of the Crown and the people. The Royal motto, 'He only stands upon the rock of honour and victory who places himself upon the rock of law,' we have adopted as our own. Under this banner we can only find the understanding we have urgently desired for years, but hitherto striven for in vain, a course which enables us not to surrender the sworn rights of the people entrusted to our conscientious keeping. May the Government of the King enter upon such a course with us, to the salvation and advantage of our country, whose prosperity and honour we always hold high and holy in our true Prussian hearts."

The delivery of this speech was received by the Chamber with great applause.

During the debate on the Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne, Herr von Bismark declared constitutional rule to be based on a compromise, especially in Prussia, where there are side by side three Estates with equal powers. The Chamber of Deputies, by its resolution of September, 1862, had abandoned the path of compromise, and the present Government on its entry into office found a conflict already in existence. The Minister further said:"The Chamber of Deputies asks that this conflict should be ended by an alteration of the present organization of the army. This is impossible. As regards foreign policy, a premature statement of the intentions of the Government in reference to pending questions is also impossible. I can only state that the interests of the country will be maintained. The blood of our soldiers will not have been shed in vain. The public Press and