be exercised in the management of large areas than in that of parishes. Experience, he believed, had shown the reverse to be the case. He urged the House to pass the Bill, which would do away with the want of uniformity in the present system of Poor Law administration, by which one class of poor was relieved from one fund, a second class from another. The measure would complete the principle of the measure of 1834, according to the recommendation of the best authorities, among whom were Sir J. Graham, and Sir G. C. Lewis. He could see no ground or reason for referring the Bill to a Select Committee, and their lordships could not receive any alterations of the Bill originating in that House without infringing the privileges of the House of Commons. The reason for referring a Bill to a Committee generally was that its details were numerous and intricate. This was a measure of few clauses, and with no intricacy of detail. He hoped, therefore, the House would reject the motion and pass the Bill, which he believed would ultimately prove beneficial to the interests of the owners of land. Lord Brougham briefly supported the Bill, the principle of which was approved by the authors of the reform of the Poor Law he had himself advocated more than thirty years ago. The Bill now proposed would complete what was left imperfect in that great measure. The Duke of Rutland moved that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee. He did so because he believed the measure would operate very unjustly in some localities. He read a number of letters and documents to prove this position, and contended that on such a question the House ought to proceed with great caution. He argued, further, that the Bill would create mischievous distinctions between town and country, and destroy the present community of feeling between employers and the employed. Lord Carnarvon would vote for the second reading, though he thought it would have been better had some preliminary measure been introduced re-adjusting the present Unions. It appeared to him that on this question both parties had over-rated the results of the measure. They would not be so formidable as the opponents of the Bill predicted; on the other hand, the supporters of the Bill anticipated too many advantages from it. Earl Grey believed the Bill would do much to improve the cottage accommodation in the rural districts, where in many instances it was a disgrace to the landed proprietors, and at the same time be highly beneficial to the labouring classes, by removing the obstacles which now interposed to prevent an amelioration of their social condition. Lord Redesdale doubted the policy of increasing the area of rating. A large area was not conducive to the good administration of the Poor Law. It had been a failure in London, because the officials had no knowledge of the poor they relieved. This was not the case in the country, where the law could be well administered. The House then divided on the question that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee. The numbers were:— Contents Majority against the motion 24 86 -62 This unexpectedly large majority in favour of the Bill was decisive. It passed through its remaining stages without difficulty, and having received the Royal assent, was regarded by the public as one of the most beneficial and valuable fruits of the Session of 1865. Some other measures of practical utility were carried through Parliament this year, which, though not of equal importance, deserve a place in the records of the Session. Among these was an Act for building new courts of justice on a comprehensive scale, and upon a site well adapted both for the convenience of the public and of the legal profession, between Lincoln's-inn-fields and the Strand, where ample accommodation could be provided for all the tribunals both legal and equitable, and the administration of justice could be carried on in a manner commensurate to the requirements of the time, for which the crowded and confined chambers of Westminster Hall had become quite inadequate. The expenditure necessary for this important work was proposed to be provided for by appropriating to it the fund commonly known as the "Suitors' Fund" in the Court of Chancery, which had increased in the course of years to a very large amount, and might be appropriated, as the Government considered, to this public use without any violation of justice or injury to individuals. There were not wanting, indeed, some persons, among whom Lord St. Leonards was one of the most prominent, who objected both to the proposed appropriation of the Suitors' Fund, which they represented as an unjust diversion of that money to an alien purpose, and also to the removal of the seat of justice from that ancient hall in which it had been conducted for so many centuries and with which it was connected by so many historical associations. The objections of these opponents, however, did not avail against a measure which was regarded by a great majority in both Houses of Parliament as a great public improvement and advantage. - Another reform, for many Sessions delayed, was this year accomplished, that of the administration of Greenwich Hospital. The application of the large revenues of this noble institution had been long felt to be unsatisfactory-the governing body absorbing too large a share of the funds, and the arrangements for the pensioners being neither regulated with wise economy, nor conducive to the comfort and satisfaction of the inmates. A Bill was brought in by the Lords of the Admiralty for putting the establishment on a more efficient footing, providing a better mode of government, a more careful and responsible administration of the funds, and extending the benefits of the establishment to a more numerous class, both of inmates and out-pensioners. This scheme, with some modifications, was adopted by the Legislature. An attempt was made by the Government to pass a Bill for amending the system of instruction and discipline pursued in the public schools, the scheme proposed being mainly founded on the recommendations of a Royal Commission of Inquiry into those institutions, who had presented a valuable and instructive Report. The Bill, however, which was introduced by the Earl of Clarendon, encountered considerable opposition on the part of the governing bodies of the schools, and other parties; and the Government were obliged to consent to refer it to a Select Committee of the Lords. A Committee consisting of several of the leading Members of that House, and which included H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, sat for some time upon the Bill, and recommended substantial alterations. The delay thus occasioned prevented the measure from being brought in due time under the notice of the House of Commons, and the early close of the Session made it necessary to postpone the subject for another year. To the enumeration of the practical reforms of the Session may be added measures for improving the regulation and internal management of public prisons, and for putting the law of partnership liability on a more liberal and equitable basis. CHAPTER VI. Death of Mr. Cobden-His character as a politician-General regret for his loss, and honours paid to his memory-Proceedings in the House of Commons on the announcement of his death-Tributes paid to the deceased statesman by Lord Palmerston, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Bright-Assassination of President Lincoln-General indignation and horror at this event throughout the kingdom-Manifestations of sympathy and regret by various corporations and public bodies—An Address to the Crown is moved by the Ministers in both Houses, expressive of the feelings of the Legislature on the event-Answer of the Queen-Birth of a second son to the Prince and Princess of Wales-Addresses of congratulation from ParliamentTransactions affecting the official conduct of the Lord Chancellor-Statement of the case of Mr. Leonard Edmunds-Great abuses and defalcations in the Patent OfficeProceedings in the House of Lords, which terminate in the reversal of the grant to Mr. Edmunds of a retiring pension-Comments of the Select Committee of the House of Lords on the conduct of the Lord Chancellor-The case of the Leeds Bankruptcy Court-Scandal occasioned by the disposal of patronage in that CourtAn inquiry into the appointments and all the circumstances relating to this affair by a Select Committee of the House of Commons-Report of the CommitteeQualified censure pronounced by it upon the Lord Chancellor's conduct-Mr. Warde Hunt brings the case before the House, and moves a vote of censure on the Lord Chancellor-Debate on this motion-Amendments moved by the Lord Advocate and by Mr. E. P. Bouverie-Lord Palmerston moves that the debate be adjourned-A division is taken, and the motion rejected by a majority of 14-The amendment of Mr. Bouverie is put and carried nem. con.-The resignation of the Lord Chancellor is announced the next day in both Houses-The Lord Chancellor makes his vale dictory address in the House of Lords-Lord Cranworth succeeds to the Great Seal. -Close of the Session-The approaching general election begins early in July to thin the attendance of Members in the House of Commons-The public business having been completed, the prorogation of Parliament takes place by Commission on the 6th of July-The Royal Speech is read by Earl Granville-The prorogation is immediately followed by a notice of dissolution in the Gazette. THE year 1865 was marked by the loss of more than the average number of eminent statesmen and political rulers, both in this and other countries. The King of the Belgians and the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of England, and the great exponent of the principles of Free Trade, Richard Cobden, were among the conspicuous men removed from the political stage by the hand of death. The unexpected and somewhat premature end of the last-named statesman elicited an almost unanimous expression of sincere regret from his countrymen, who, notwithstanding the turmoil of parties and the angry passions once excited by the Corn-Law controversy, had learned to respect the genuine probity and disinterestedness of the Free-Trade champion, and to acknowledge that few popular leaders had ever maintained so high a standard of moderation and self-respect, or shown themselves so completely superior to the mean arts and selfish motives of the demagogue. When, therefore, the news of his death became known, it was universally felt that the public and the Legislature had lost an able and public-spirited citizen, and a man who well deserved to be remembered among the benefactors of his country. Nor were the honours paid to his memory confined to this country. In France the name and character of Mr. Cobden were held in the highest estimation. The Emperor addressed a letter to his widow, expressing in warm terms the respect and honour in which he held the deceased. In other parts of the Continent, also, and still more in the United States of America, the reputation of the great free-trader was held in high respect, and flattering tributes were paid to his memory. But nowhere was the regret for this public loss more sincere than in the British House of Commons, where his eloquence had so often shone forth in debate, and where his personal character had been so fully appreciated by men of all parties. It was fitting, therefore, that expression should be given to the general feeling of sorrow and respect in that assembly, and that the leaders of the House should unite in testifying, on behalf of all its Members, to the merits of the deceased. Accordingly, on the first meeting of the House after the death had been announced, Viscount Palmerston, on the motion for going into Committee of Supply, called the attention of the House to the event which had deprived it of one of its most distinguished members. It was impossible, said the noble lord, for the House not to be conscious of the great loss which they and the country had sustained by the death of Mr. Cobden. However any one might have differed from him, no one ever doubted the sincerity and honesty of his purpose, which was directed only to the good of his country. Now it was only his great services which could be thought of, and all difference of opinion must sink into oblivion. The theory of Free Trade, which had been established by Adam Smith, had been reduced to practice by the untiring industry, the indomitable energy of mind, and by the forcible, Demosthenic eloquence of Mr. Cobden, aided by a band of able associates, amongst whom must be included Mr. Villiers and the late Sir Robert Peel. He conferred an inestimable benefit on his country by his labours; but great as was his ability and success, the disinterestedness of his character was still more conspicuous. He was a man of great ambition, but his ambition was to do good to his country. When the present Government was formed, Mr. Cobden was offered office, but he declined, on the ground that all his opinions were not in unison with those of its head. No one could come in contact with Mr. Cobden without feeling for him the greatest respect and esteem. After the transaction of the Treaty of Commerce, it was his (Lord Palmerston's) duty to offer to Mr. Cobden, as a mark of the sense entertained of his services, a baronetcy and the rank of privy councillor, but still, with his invariable disinterestedness, he declined. "The country," concluded the noble lord, "has sustained a loss which it will be difficult to repair. Mr. Cobden's name will be for ever engraved on the most interesting pages of the history of his country; and I am sure there is not a man in this House who does not feel the greatest regret that the House has lost one of its brightest ornaments, and that the country has lost one of its most useful servants.' Mr. Disraeli, having been a Member of the House during Mr. Cobden's parliamentary career, could not reconcile it to himself to be silent when a name so distinguished was before the House. Though it was Mr. Cobden's lot to enter public life when passions ran high, yet when the strife was over the gentler qualities of his character asserted themselves, and he ever seemed to be influenced by feelings which sprang unconsciously from a reverence for the past. What his powers were as a Member of Parliament, were well known; they presented a combination of logical clearness and apt illustration, while his imagination, pervading all, enabled him to address himself to the sympathies of those to whom he spoke. After referring to the public career of Mr. Cobden, the right hon. gentleman said, "There is something mournful in the history of this Parliament. When we remember how many of our most eminent and valuable public men we have lost, I cannot refer to the history of any Parliament which will bear to posterity so fatal a record. But, sir, there is this consolation to us, when we remember those unequalled and irreparable losses, that those great men are not altogether lost to us-that their words will be often quoted in this House; that their example will often be referred and appealed to; and that even their expressions will form part of our discussions and debates. There are, indeed, some Members of Parliament who, though they may not be pre |