prosperity, and that our colonies, when forming a confederation, found no reason for adopting any new institution, but had copied as much as possible the Constitution under which we lived.

Earl Russell entered into some explanations in respect to our foreign relations, as referred to in the Royal Speech, and to the controversies with the Government of the United States. In reply to Lord Derby he denied that the rupture of diplomatic relations with Brazil was chiefly owing to the English Government. On the contrary it was a result of the refusal of Brazil to institute an inquiry into the plunder of a British vessel, and the murder of her crew. Ministers were willing to accept the good offices of the King of Portugal, and they hoped that amicable relations between the two countries would shortly be restored. The noble Lord then proceeded to describe the attitude which our Government held towards the belligerent parties in the American civil war, and to vindicate the course which his Administration had pursued towards them both. He said, "the injustice of the Government and Congress of the United States towards ourselves is this, that they seem to expect not only that we should do every thing which the law of nations demands, and which the municipal law of this country enables us to do, but they seem to expect that we should be altogether able to prevent any aid being given to the Confederate States, who are opposed to them. Now, Her Majesty's Government have used every means in their power from time to time to prevent war being carried on from this country as a basis against the United States of America, which are in peaceful relations with us. At the same time, it has been impossible to prevent acts which have caused, and naturally so, I think, great irritation in America. We have had ships fitted out here and afterwards sent to a distance, where they have first of all received armaments and a commission, and have then preyed upon the commerce of the United States. We have had in our hands correspondence which shows that the Confederate agents were continually employed either in building ships in this country or in buying merchant ships which might afterwards be sent to France and other stations for the purpose of being fitted out as cruisers against the commerce of the United States. Now, the authorities of the United States have, I think, naturally enough, felt greatly irritated at seeing a number of ships, which have come in some way or another from English ports or English rivers, afterwards fitted out as men-of-war for the purpose of acting against their commerce. But they ought certainly, at the same time, to ask this question-Whether Her Majesty's Government have done every thing which the law of nations authorizes, and which the municipal law of this country permits, to prevent this country from being made the basis of warlike operations, so as it were to involve the people of this country in war against the United States. I am not, however, at all surprised that they should feel annoyed and indignant when they find that those who

are the friends of the United States should have their territories chosen as the basis of those operations. So again with regard to Canada. The noble earl seems to imagine that the United States are influenced by no motive save that of mere hostility against this country, as he termed it, in determining that useful convention with regard to the lakes. The fact is, however, that the Confederate Government determined, if possible, to involve this country in the conflict, finding that their own resources were unequal to the task of waging a successful war. They sent their agents into these lakes, which are not in their territory, but which belong either to the United States or to the United Kingdom of Great Britain, to seize the ships which were navigating those lakes, and which belonged to the United States. I say again, I am not surprised that the United States, considering the Canadian lakes as the possession of a Sovereign friendly to themselves, should feel indignant at finding those lakes chosen as the basis of operations against their vessels. The United States now say that if they remain in those lakes without cruisers, the Confederates will seize their ships. It will be a very painful thing, and a matter of some danger to the two countries, if the United States and Great Britain are obliged to put an end to or suspend the convention which has been so useful, and which has contributed so much to the maintenance of peace between the two countries. It may be natural upon the part of the Confederate States, but for myself I think that in their attempt to make the Canadian soil the basis of operations, some of them bearing the character of a belligerent, but others resembling acts of robbery and murder, they do what is most unjustifiable, and I trust Her Majesty's Government will be able, as they have done hitherto, to preserve a neutrality in that part of Her Majesty's dominions. At the same time, accompanying that irritation to which I have alluded, there has been a tendency with respect to two questions to make the most unfounded imputations against the Government of this country. There have been complaints that we have acknowledged the belligerent character of the Confederate States. But, my lords, looking at the character of the contest, looking at the immense territory possessed by the Confederates, looking at the great war operations which they have carried on, what could Her Majesty's Government do but allow that the character of belligerents belonged to the Confederate States ? I know no instance of so mighty a war being carried on without a belligerent character being allowed by neutral States."

The noble Earl in conclusion referred to a claim which it was understood was likely to be made by the United States Government, upon this country, for compensation for injuries inflicted upon the merchant shipping of American subjects by the Alabama and other vessels which had been clandestinely fitted out for that service in British ports. Looking at the precedents in international law, looking at the declarations made by the United States

themselves in the case of Spain and Portugal, when ships destined to prey upon the commerce of those two countries were more directly fitted out in their own ports, such a claim upon the Government of this country would be extremely unfair. Therefore, he thought, while we were bound to make every allowance for the irritation naturally engendered in the United States by these injuries, and while our Government would do all in its power to prevent infractions of its avowed neutrality, it could not on the other hand admit that there was any colour of justice for such demands.

The Address was agreed to by the Lords nem. con.

In the House of Commons the debate on the Address was marked by no features of importance. The condition of Ireland was the topic most dwelt upon by the speakers in the debate. The Address was moved by Sir Hedworth Williamson, and seconded by Mr. Hanbury Tracy. The Irish discussion was started by Mr. Scully, who disputed the accuracy of that paragraph in the Speech which referred to Ireland. He denied that manufactures were extending in that part of the United Kingdom, or that it had had the advantage of a good harvest. Ireland, he said, was not in a prosperous or satisfactory state, and he appealed to what he regarded as proofs of his assertion.

Other Irish members, among whom were Mr. Brady and Lord Fermoy, supported Mr. Scully's objections, and dilated on the unhappy condition of the agricultural population, who were leaving the country in swarms, because they were unable to get a fair remuneration for their labour. Mr. Long said he had been lately travelling in Ireland, and had been horrified at the destitution that he beheld there. He regarded absenteeism as the main cause of the evils of the country, and urged the expediency of sending a member of the Royal family to reside in Ireland.

Mr. Maguire said that the miserable state of that country was not attributable to religious differences or to the non-residence of a member of the Royal family in the country, but to the want of large, generous, and liberal laws which would stimulate the energies of the people, and give them such a hope for the future that the attractions of America would gradually fade from the national vision. During the last year 120,000 people had crossed the ocean from Ireland to a country in which trade was bad, commerce interrupted, and war raging, and all that notwithstanding the diminution of the Irish population. Now, did not that fact show the existence of something wrong which the Government ought to endeavour to remove? If the Government in this, or at least in the next Parliament, took up this matter, they would have the power to save the country and stop the tide of emigration, which was carrying away not merely the bone and sinew of Ireland, but a great deal of the strength and power of the Empire. He knew a case in which the whole side of a county had been in the hands of two proprietors who gave neither leases nor en

couragement, and on one estate the habit was to keep the tenants in constant terror of notice to quit. Fortunately those estates were purchased by persons of a different mind, who gave liberal leases, and in one month after the leases were signed, money, which was never thought to exist, began to show itself in improvements. There was such discontent and dissatisfaction in that country that nothing but just laws could turn the hearts of the people towards the Government. The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland deplored the other day that the people were leaving the country and carrying with them to another land a feeling of hostility towards England. He (Mr. Maguire) saw before him the man who before long would lead the great Liberal party, and he appealed to him and to those on the other (the Ministerial) side of the House not to shirk this question. The interests of India were important, but the interests of Ireland were more important still. The Lord-Lieutenant had spoken rightly when he said that the feelings which the Irish people carried across the Atlantic would influence the policy of American statesmen. The number of Irishmen by descent or birth in the Northern and Southern States of America was equal to the entire population of Ireland, and, energetic as they were and animated by a hatred of England, into what calamities might they not be the means of precipitating the two countries. Now, he, as a man wishing for the prosperity of his own country, and that no hostile foot might ever stand upon its soil, was anxious that the statesmen of England should look a little nearer, and, without troubling themselves so much about disorders abroad, try to heal the sore which was in the very bosom and heart of the empire. He did not believe that the visit of Her Majesty, welcome as that would be, would heal the wounds of Ireland. That would be merely applying a bit of Court plaister over a deep ulcer. The people would be glad to see Her Majesty; but, starving as many of them were, and hopeless of improvement, they did not want the mere sunshine of Royalty or the glitter of courtly pageantry. What they did want was just laws. Let the House give them just laws and it would liberate the arms of the people.

Sir R. Peel (Secretary for Ireland) replied to the remarks made upon the condition of Ireland, accusing Mr. Long, in particular, of exaggeration, justifying the statements made in the Royal Speech, and founding his vindication upon details of facts. He dwelt especially upon the very large increase in the quantity of land under flax cultivation, and insisted that a spirit of enterprise was now awakened in Ireland which fully justified hopes of the future. With regard to the emigration, it was proved, by statistical results, that in the past year there had been a small diminution in the number of persons who had left Ireland,-viz., 114,000 against 117,000 in 1863. At the present time the only district in which distress could be said to exist in any material degree, was in the county of Galway. Yet even in the Galway Union Workhouse which contains accommodation for more than 1000 persons, there were only

520 persons according to the last return, and only five persons receiving out-door relief. "I am convinced," said the right hon. baronet in conclusion, "that there is a spirit of enterprise now becoming manifest in Ireland, and that there is an improved feeling as regards what may be effected for the country, which justifies our best hopes for the future; and I only hope that during the present year we may see the prospects of the past year even improving, and that after the three years' suffering which she has just undergone, Ireland may arrive at that position to which certainly she was advancing before the date of those disastrous years."

Mr. H. Seymour upbraided the Government with their nonfulfilled pledges on the subject of reform, and expressed his surprise that the Royal Speech contained not one word on that subject, after the sentiments uttered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer last Session. He referred to other topics upon which the Royal Speech was not altogether silent-Education, Ireland, and India; to the prospect of a deficient revenue in India, and to the continued inferiority of the Indian cotton, which he attributed to the poverty of the ryots.

Mr. Kinglake, after a short statement of facts, expressed a hope that papers would be speedily laid before the House showing the grounds upon which the Government had recognized the Archduke of Austria as Emperor of Mexico. Sir Charles Wood gave some explanations as to the reasons of the proposed operations against Bhootan, similar to those stated by Earl Russell in the House of Lords, after which the Address was agreed to without a division.

On the report being brought up, however, Mr. Scully renewed his protest against the paragraph relating to the state of Ireland, and moved that the following be inserted in lieu thereof:-"We regret that the general condition of Ireland cannot be regarded as prosperous or satisfactory, and that multitudes of the inhabitants continue to emigrate to foreign countries through the want of remunerative employment at home." This amendment was opposed on the part of the Government by Sir R. Peel and was rejected, on a division, by 67 to 12.

A more general discussion on the condition of Ireland took place shortly after the commencement of the Session, upon a resolution moved by Mr. Pope Henessey, which led to an adjourned debate in which several of the leading members of the House took part. The motion was in these terms:-"That this House observes with regret the decline of the population of Ireland, and will readily support Her Majesty's Government in any well-devised measure to stimulate the profitable employment of the people; and that an address to the Crown be prepared, founded on the foregoing resolution." He observed that during the recess Mr. Gladstone had made a speech in which he said that the condition of Ireland was deplorable. At the time of the Union Mr. Pitt said that the nature of a united kingdom was that all parts should be united in