rally, and above all, to the court of St. James." This remarkable despatch was referred to a committee of which Hamilton was chairman. His views on this subject had

memoirs, and histories of those great men who have heretofore shone in the diplomatic order, and conducted the affairs of nations and the world. He should be of an age to possess a maturity of judgment arising from experience in business. He should be active, attentive, and industrious, and above all, he should possess an upright heart, and an independent spirit, and should be one who decidedly makes the interest of his country-not the policy of any other nation, nor his own private ambition or interest, or those of his family, friends, and connections—the rule of his conduct.

"We hear so much said about a genteel address, and a facility in speaking the French language, that one would think a dancing master and a French master the only tutors necessary to educate a statesman. Be it remembered, the present revolution, neither in America nor Europe has been accomplished by elegant bows, nor by fluency in French, nor will any great thing ever be effected by such accomplishments alone. A man must have something in his head to say before he can speak to effect, how ready soever he may be at utterance. And if the knowledge is in his head and the virtue in his heart, he will never fail to find a way of communicating his sentiments to good purpose. He will always have excellent translators ready, if he wants them, to turn his thoughts into any language he desires.

"As to what is called a fine address, it is seldom attended to after a first or second conversation, and even in these it is regarded no more by men of sense of any country than another thing, which I heard disputed with great vivacity among the officers of the French frigate, the SENSIBLE. The question was, what were the several departments of an ambassador and a secretary of legation. After a long and shrewd discussion, it was decided by a majority of votes,' that the secretary's part was to do the business, and that of an ambassador * * This decision produced a laugh among the company, and no ideas of the kind will ever produce any thing else among men of understanding.

"It is very true that it is possible that a case may happen, that a man may serve his country by a bribe well placed, or an intrigue

*

. But it is equally true, that a man's country will be sold and be trayed a thousand times by this infamous commerce, where it will be once served. It is very certain that we shall never be a match for European statesmen in such accomplishments for negotiation, any more than, I must and will add, they will equal us in any solid abilities, virtues, and application to business, if we choose wisely among the excellent characters with which our country abounds."-7 D. C. 21.

long been formed; he was of the opinion that it ought to be "the basis of our commercial system not to make particular sacrifices, nor to expect particular favours." Though the advocate of a reciprocal freedom of commerce, it has been seen that he was fully sensible of the importance of the power of protecting the peculiar interests of a community where, from the previous colonial restrictions, there was little diversity in the pursuits of industry.

But the powers of the confederacy were inadequate to this object, the policy of England was not developed, and, until those powers were enlarged and that policy disclosed, he felt that a temporary arrangement would be most expedient.

Under this conviction, and not satisfied by the despatch from Adams, of the wisdom of intrusting to him the sole conduct of so important a negotiation, he reported a resolution* that Franklin and Jay should be empowered with him, or either of them in the absence of the others, " to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties previous to its final conclusion; and in the mean time, to enter into a commercial convention to continue in force one year," and "that the secretary for foreign affairs should lay before congress, without delay," a plan of a treaty of commerce, and instructions to be transmitted to the commissioners.

This plan proposed a direct commerce with Great Britain, except as to such articles, the importation or exportation of which might be prohibited in all her dominions, excepting the territories of the East India and Hudson's Bay companies; the subjects of Great Britain paying the same duties in the United States as the citizens of the

* May 1, 1783.

United States paid in Great Britain, and which were not to exceed those paid by the most favoured nations,-participating in any concession freely, if freely made, or if conditional, allowing a similar compensation. In neither country were the citizens or subjects of the other to be regarded as aliens, except as to an exemption from military duty.

The plan* being referred on the nineteenth of June, instructions to the envoys were reported. They strongly urged the articles as to a free commerce, on the ground that the immunities offered to British subjects, particularly those permitted to settle in the United States, were a full equivalent, as they would probably direct their trade into such channels as England would prefer. If these terms could not be obtained, others as similar to them as possible were to be obtained, and they were directed to bear in mind that the great leading object of these states, was to find the West India market open for their own produce, and to be permitted, as far as possible,

Madison to Jefferson, May 13, 1783.-" A project for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain has been reported by the secretary of foreign affairs, and is now in the hands of a committee. The objects most at heart, arefirst, a direct trade between this country and the West Indies; secondly, a right of carrying between the latter and other parts of the British empire; thirdly, a right of carrying from the West Indies to all other parts of the world. As the price of these advantages, it is proposed that we shall admit British subjects to equal privileges with our own citizens. As to the first object, it may be observed, that the bill lately brought into the British parliament, renders it probable that it may be obtained without such a cession, as to the second, that it concerns the eastern states chiefly; and that as to the third, that it concerns them alone. Whilst the privilege to be conceded, will chiefly, if not alone, affect the southern states. The interest of these, seems to require that they should retain, at least the faculty of giving any encouragement to their own merchant-ships or mariners, which may be necessary to prevent a relapse under Scotch monopoly, or to acquire a maritime importance. The eastern states need no such precaution."-Madison Papers, vol. 1, p. 531.

to be the carriers of theirs." The trade of the coast of Africa, and permission to cut wood in the bay of Honduras, were indicated as desirable. They were to represent as inducements to the grant of these advantages, that unless these channels were opened to America, she would be without the means of paying for the manufactures required, and be compelled to manufacture for herself. But if a market was given for her raw materials, agriculture, and not manufactures, would be encouraged. They were in no event to conclude any treaty, unless the trade with the West Indies was placed on its former footing. It was not to be definitive until approved by congress, but a convention on these principles might be entered into, to endure one year.

The expediency of making an admission to the West India market an indispensable condition, was doubted. It was still "a fundamental law of Europe, that all commerce with a foreign colony shall be regarded as a mere monopoly."* That a nation so fenced in by monopolies, and which then considered it as a cardinal maxim to secure to herself the exclusive trade of her colonies, would relax in favour of the United States, so recently revolted, was little to be expected. Indeed, the people of this country did not, at the beginning of the revolution, expect it. In the address of congress to the inhabitants of Great Britain, made in seventeen hundred and seventy-five, they declared, “We cheerfully consent to such acts of the British parliament as shall be restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefit of it to its respective members."

Under these considerations, and unwilling to interpose

* Montesquieu, liv 21, cap. 17.

so serious an impediment to a treaty, and, on the part of some, to recognise the policy that America was to continue a merely agricultural nation, this resolution was postponed. In the ensuing month,* the minister of France anxious to secure to his country a monopoly of the American trade, announced to congress that he would not sign a treaty but in concert with the United States, and at the same time condemned "the too precipitate admission of British vessels into the American ports."

The statesmen of England had, in the mean time, also been occupied with this subject. It has been seen, that while the party which plunged their country into this disastrous conflict-still clinging to the hope of recovering their popularity, by soothing the pride of the nation, and obedient to the prejudices of the monarch-shrank from the express acknowledgment of independence, their opponents, during the brief ascendency of Fox, whose enlightened mind was governed by an enlarged philanthropy, took a different view.

He contended that it became the British government to tender an absolute, unconditional acknowledgment of independence in the first instance, as a measure not less due to her national character, than prompted by her best interests.. Similar difference of opinion existed as to the policy which ought to govern the commercial relations of the two countries. William Pitt, asserting the power of his high ability over the councils of Great Britain, warmly advocated a liberal system. "It was a matter of joy to him," he declared, "that America had accepted the recognition of her independence as the price of peace. It was a solid foundation, on which future union with that country might be framed. It was his belief, that both nations would still be connected in interest as well as friendship."