of course to a strong government; the opposition of all men much in debt, who will not wish to see a government established, one object of which is to restrain the means of cheating creditors; the democratical jealousy of the people, which may be alarmed at the appearance of institutions that may seem calculated to place the power of the community in few hands, and to raise a few individuals to stations of great pre-eminence; and the influence of some foreign powers, who, from different motives, will not wish to see an energetic government established throughout the states.

"In this view of the subject, it is difficult to form any judgment whether the plan will be adopted or rejected. It must be essentially matter of conjecture. The present appearances and all other circumstances considered, the probability seems to be on the side of its adoption.

"But the causes operating against its adoption are powerful, and there will be nothing astonishing in the contrary.

"If it do not finally obtain, it is probable the discussion of the question will beget such struggles, animosities, and heats in the community, that this circumstance, conspiring with the real necessity of an essential change in our present situation, will produce civil war. Should this happen, whatever parties prevail, it is probable governments very different from the present in their principles, will be established. A dismemberment of the union, and monarchies in different portions of it, may be expected. It may however happen that no civil war will take place, but several republican confederacies be established between different combinations of the particular states.

66

"A reunion with Great Britain, from universal disgust at a state of commotion, is not impossible, though not much to be feared. The most plausible shape of such a business would be, the establishment of a son of the present mon

arch in the supreme government of this country, with a family compact.

"If the government be adopted, it is probable Genera Washington will be the president of the United States. This will ensure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good administration. A good administration will conciliate the confidence and affection of the people, and perhaps enable the government to acquire more consistency than the proposed constitution seems to promise for so great a country. It may then triumph altogether over the state governments, and reduce them to an entire subordination, dividing the larger states into smaller districts. The organs of the general government may also acquire additional strength.

"If this should not be the case, in the course of a few years, it is probable that the contests about the boundaries of power between the particular governments and the general government, and the momentum of the larger states in such contests, will produce a dissolution of the union. This, after all, seems to be the most likely result.

"But it is almost arrogance in so complicated a subject, depending so entirely on the incalculable fluctuations of the human passions, to attempt even a conjecture about the event.

"It will be eight or nine months before any certain judgment can be formed respecting the adoption of the plan."

Anxious as his forebodings were, it will be seen that his exertions were not for a moment relaxed. While he did not disguise his doubts, he declared, "I am persuaded it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced." "Though it may not be perfect in every part, it is, upon the whole, a good one, is the best that the present situation and circumstances of the country will permit."

Then followed his closing appeal, recommending its adop tion in language which every revolving year renders more impressive.

*

"To balance a large society on general laws," it had been said, “the judgments of many must unite in the work. EXPERIENCE must guide their labour, TIME must bring it to perfection, and the FEELING of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments." "These judicious reflections," Hamilton remarked, " contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the states from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain but from TIME and EXPERIENCE. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A NATION without a NATIONAL government, is an awful spectacle. The establishment of a constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary consent of a whole people, is a PRODIGY, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety."

• Hume's Essays, v. 1, p. 128.

CHAPTER XLIX.

FROM this scene of deepest interest, Hamilton now returned to the toils of his profession, often interrupted by public avocations.

Of the many causes in which he was engaged, one greatly moved the feelings of those around him. It was the defence of a member of the Society of Friends on a charge of libel, for having publicly exposed a person who had been detected kidnapping free blacks in the city of New York, and selling them in Charleston. The effort was such as a crime of this atrocity would call forth, and was successful. Nor did his grateful client forget that the proffered fee was returned with a request," as they were both engaged in the cause of humanity that his declining it might not be mentioned."

Another occurrence at this time indicates his benignity. Colonel Antil of the Canadian Corps, a friend of General Hazen, retired penniless from the service—his military claims, a sole dependence, being unsatisfied. Hoping to derive subsistence from the culture of a small clearing in the forest, he retired to the wilds of Hazenburgh. His hopes were baffled, and in his distress he applied to Hamilton for relief. His calamities were soon after embittered by the loss of his wife, leaving infant children. With one of these Antil visited New York,

to solicit the aid of the Cincinnati, and there sank under the weight of his sorrows. Hamilton immediately took the little orphan home, who was nurtured with his own children, and became the wife of a prosperous merchant.*

An officer of the American army relates another instance of his kindness. After various unsuccessful efforts to gain a livelihood, this gentleman repaired to New York, waited on his comrade, and in great despondence recounted his mishaps. "Cheer up, my friend," said Hamilton, "the prospect is not very bright, but let us see. I will assist you." "You," rejoined the Colonel, "when you have not more money than is necessary for yourself." "But I can borrow," Hamilton replied. He immediately drew a note, sent it to the bank, and handed the proceeds to his comrade, who ascribed the ease and comforts of his declining years to this opportune aid.

These personal kindnesses were not lost on the brave men with whom it was his delight to associate. Nor was his private influence ever withheld from the national good. "To men," he wrote, at a meeting of the Cincinnati in New York, "whose views are not unfriendly to those principles which form the basis of the Union, and the only sure foundation of the tranquillity and happiness of this country, it can never appear criminal, that a class of citizens who have had so conspicuous an agency in the American Revolution as those who compose the Society of the Cincinnati, should pledge themselves to each other, in a voluntary association, to support, by all the means consistent with the laws, that noble fabric of united independence, which, at so much hazard, and with

* Arthur Tappan.