able to the whites, the price of labor there will become high enough to attract and retain the free blacks, who will rightfully enjoy this monopoly which the sun has reserved for them. Perhaps in this manner one or more States may even be formed inhabited exclusively by blacks.* Why not? Who knows whether some of the Antilles may not be destined by Providence to belong exclusively to the blacks, in the latitudes where the black, and not the white, is the necessary man ?

This sort of natural partition of the two races on the soil, according to the climate, which may be aided by the idea so much cherished by Jefferson, of the re-exportation, either voluntary or decreed, of the blacks to the African coast,† would be the best method of reassuring those who fear before everything the amalgamation of the two races.

If, moreover, this mixture take place and become an evil, what is to blame? Slavery, which brought to America men destined by the Creator to inhabit Africa. But this original destination, together with the instinct of the preservation of species, which warns every being against unnatural alliances, has raised up an unconquerable repugnance between the two colors which is ample security against this dreaded mixture. This amalgamation has not taken place in the North; it will not take place in the South. Should it be effected, moreover, the predominance of the white race would be certain after a few generations, and lawful marriages at least would take the place of those illicit unions which already criminally mingle the two bloods.

There is another blending, the legitimate triumph of which should overcome all repugnance; namely, social and civil equality, which should be decreed by law. The negro

*This was M. de Tocqueville's opinion.

† Liberia, as it is known, was founded with this design; but this attractive and generous idea, despite notable results, has been far from realizing the hopes of its projectors. From 1847 to 1859 the American Colonization Society had only sent to Liberia 4,813 emigrants, scarcely 400 per year.

should be the equal of the white man, in the church, school, property, courts, and taxes. Shall he be a voter or juror? Nothing can be more equitable than first to impose on him suitable conditions with respect to residence, capacity, and fortune. One is born a man; he becomes a citizen.

These difficulties, the solution of which, doubtlessly perplexing, is nevertheless practicable in the sight of every candid man, have been so often answered, that the partisans of slavery are no longer willing to argue on this ground; assuming a different tone, they offer threats, or profess ter- excellent reasons for those who have no other! If this question be touched upon, the South will secede; the plan of separation is all ready.

ror,

If it be resolved, the black race will exterminate the white. Separation! extermination! Such are the prophecies of Southern men ! *

If it were true that affranchisement would lead to a war of extermination between the blacks and the whites, it would be a sinister demonstration of the treatment endured by the blacks, and the hatred accumulated within their hearts. It would end with the negroes as with the Indians, after fearful horrors, in the repression and disappearance of the inferior race.

But is it not evident that extermination is more to be feared if slavery endures than if it disappears? We are patiently examining the possible consequences of affranchisement, pointed out and exaggerated by the interested adversaries of this equitable measure. Is it not more reasonable to return to the almost necessary consequences of the maintenance of slavery?

Yes, if slavery be abolished, lands will depreciate, labor will be scarce, order will be difficult to maintain, indemnity will not compensate for the loss; but these are transient evils, doubtful and deserved. Mark the positive and al

*See Chap. I. § 4.

H

ready existing results of slavery, if it be maintained: religion profaned and destroyed; the first republic of the world dishonored; in the heart of a great people, decay certain, separation imminent, extermination possible. Justice, religion, and patriotism, holy and divine weapons, your victory is sure in every living conscience! But dead consciences are found, swayed by evil, blinded by interest and benumbed by habit. Of what use is reasoning? What can prayers avail upon merchants who say to themselves: "It matters little to us! We make money; we are the masters, we are the stronger; after us the deluge!"

Of all arguments this is the best, or rather it is the only ruling, irrefutable reply, and all discussion with slaveholders may be reduced to the Italian colloquy, which one of the most generous adversaries of slavery * has taken as the epigraph of his book :

Yes, the masters can abolish slavery, but they will not; what do I say? they prefer renouncing their country to their property, and breaking the bond that unites the States to the chain that holds their slaves.

The year 1860 was destined to witness the outbreak of this shameful and dreaded conflict; and it only remains for us to conclude, by recounting this, the history of the ravages of servitude in the heart of a great, free, and Christian people.

* Agénor de Gasparin, Esclavage et la traité, 1838.

CHAPTER V.

THE SEPARATION OF THE NORTH AND SOUTH.

81. FROM THE INSURRECTION AT HARPER'S FERRY (1859) TO THE NOMINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN (1860).

On the 24th of September, 1858, Alexander, Emperor of Russia, addressed these words to the nobility of Moscow and Nishni:

"I have spoken to you of the necessity of proceeding sooner or later to the reform of the laws which regulate serfdom, — a reform that must come from the higher powers, that it may not come from the lower ones.

"I love the nobility, . I desire the welfare of the people, but I do not mean that this shall be established to your detriment; it belongs to you yourselves, for your own interests, to do your best to ameliorate the condition of the peasants.

"I hear with regret that selfish sentiments are taking root among you. I am sorry, for selfish sentiments destroy every good thing; forsake them, act in a manner that may be well for yourselves, and not wrong towards others; I wish you to think of your own interests, but not to forget those of other people."

What would Washington and Franklin have thought of this language? Did they imagine that the republicans of the New World would receive this lesson from the autocrat of all the Russias, and that slaves would be left in Baltimore when there would be no more serfs at Moscow ? Alas! dark forebodings more than once overshadowed the great souls of the founders of the American Union. The

republic of the United States had its patriarchs, it had also

its prophets.

Washington in dying doubted the future union of his beloved country.

Jefferson openly proclaimed slavery to be the cause of separation and ruin.

We have heard the astonishing previsions of Channing. Let us listen to the expression of the same fears from a more recent source.

On the occasion of the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the occupation of Forts Duquesne and Pitt, which was celebrated at Pittsburg, November 25, 1858, the President of the United States wrote the following letter to apologize for not being present at the ceremony.

"GENTLEMEN,

"WASHINGTON, November 22, 1858.

"I have had the honor to receive your invitation to be present, on the 25th instant, at the centennial anniversary of the capture of Fort Duquesne. I regret that the urgent pressure of public affairs, at a time so near the assembling of Congress, will prevent me from enjoying this privilege.

"Every patriot snould rejoice on reflecting on the unequalled progress made by our country during the century which has just passed. What was at its beginning an obscure fort, far remote from the Western frontier of civilization, has become to-day the centre of a populous, commercial, and manufacturing city, sending its abundant products to the sovereign States which are still farther west, and the territories of which were then a vast unexplored and silent desert.

"At the point which we have reached, the patriot, on surveying the past, cannot fail to cast a glance on the future, and to reflect on what may be the condition of our country when our posterity shall assemble to celebrate the second centennial anniversary.