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resolutions, after much discussion, were indefinitely postponed.

March 9-In the House of Delegates, the following debate occurred on the proposition for a State Convention:

On motion to suspend the rules for the reconsideration of the vote by which the bill conferring conventional power upon the General Assembly was lost, Mr. HUNTER, of Berke ley, obtained the floor in opposition to the proposition to reconsider the vote.

The discussion already had upon the subject had had, he thought, dangerous and pernicious effects. He hoped the vote would not be reconsidered; that the bill would be left to sleep the sleep of death. Mr. BUFORD, of Pittsylvania, hoped the House would arraign itself upon the question fair and square without prejudice; he thought no harm could come of a Convention. The time might come when legislators would not find themselves behind the people in this matter. He was willing to trust the people and the people should be willing to trust their legislators. Mr. SHEFFEY, (Speaker,) with Mr. Kelley in the Chair, spoke in opposition to the motion to reconsider the vote by which the bill to clothe the Constitutional Assembly with constitutional powers was lost. If two evils were proposed, he would choose the least-the straight-out Convention. He did not understand that there was to be any difference in powers to be conferred upon either body. True, the legisIature could not touch the bill of rights nor unite the powers of legislature, executive and judicial. If anything was contemplated by a convention, it was looking to the severance of Virginia's connection with the Confederacy and opening of new and separate negotiations with the treatymaking power of the North. Once open this flood-gate and you will let loose a current that will sweep with desolation

the last hope of freedom from this continent. Had we not rather bear those ills we have than fly to others that we know not of? How long will it be after this convention is called before a cry will go forth and reconstruction or no reconstruction become the watchword of these dangerous times? No harm to trust the people, as gentlemen say, but it is a terrible harm for Virginia to lead off in the expression of distrust for the general government. People will say, if the army will say it, that Virginia is preparing to cast loose from the body of her Confederate Union. Our enemy will say that Virginia is preparing to leave the sinking ship and to take to her jolly-boat. The speaker never would with his voice, advocate a call for a convention, legislative or straight-out. If other States fly madly from their sphere like erratic rockets to blaze a while, and then die out in eternal night forever, let them fly; but let Virginia be one of those calm, fixed stars, veiled sometimes in cloud and tempest, but indestructible as the firmament from which it shines. Virginia must never perish thus.

Mr. STAPLES, of Patrick, interrupting the Speaker, appealed to the House. He had never said that a convention was to prepare Virginia for the dissolution of her copartnership in the Confederate Union.

Mr. SHEFFEY, continuing, said it was now too late to do this thing. The ship of State is upon the rapids, and if the helmsman cannot guide the ship she must be dashed to pieces. It was no time now to change front; no time to seek a hiding-place from the tempest of war. If we are to sink, let us sink where we stand, and go down with our ship with one triumphant shout of defiance, with the flag of Virginia-" Sic Semper Tyrannis "—floating over

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Mr. BURWELL, of Bedford, was going to stick to the ship till she struck or run ashore; then he would build a raft of the fragments and see what could be done. He favored a convention, vested in the Legislature.

Mr. ROBERTSON, of Richmond, said that only when our armies were overthrown, the Confederacy torn limb from limb and State from State, would he give his vote or consent to go into convention. Even up to to the last extremiity, the honor and integrity of Virginia demanded that she should stand firm. If legislators be of the opinion that a convention is demanded, they should withdraw themselves from the possible imputation of being candidates for its membership.

| thereof, and the friends and supporters of his administration, have declared that negotiations for peace cannot be entertained except on a basis of restoration of the Union in its territorial integrity and the abolition of slavery, and that the existing war must be prosecuted until the men of these Confederate States are compelled to submit to these terms or are subjugated, and, if necessary to secure this end, exterminated, their lands confiscated, and their women and children driven forth as wanderers on the face of the earth:

And whereas the re-election of ABRAHAM LINCOLN to the office of President of the United States is advocated by many, if not all of his supporters upon these grounds, and that there is no other way to terminate the war, insisting that there is no disposition on the part of the people of these States to enter into negotiations for peace, except on the distinct admission of the separate independence of these States as a basis:

And whereas, at a recent Convention held in the city of Chicago, a numerous and powerful party has declared its willingness, if successful, to stop fighting and open negotiations with us on the basis of the Federal Constitution as it is, and the restoration of the Union under it: now, therefore

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Alabama in General Assembly convened, That we sincerely desire peace. If the aforesaid party is successful, we are willing and ready to open negotiations for peace on the basis indicated in the platform adopted by said Convention-our sister States of this Confederacy being willing thereto.

For further action, see page 456.

GEORGIA.

In November, 1864, these resolutions were offered by Mr. LINTON STEPHENS :

The General Assembly of the State of Georgia do resolve that the independence of the Southern Confederate States of America, based upon the constitutional compact between the sovereign States composing the Confederacy, and main tained through nearly four years of gigantic war, justly claims from the world its recognition as a rightful fact. 2. That all the States which composed the late American Union, as well those embraced within the present United States as those embraced within the Southern Confederacy, are what the original thirteen States were declared to be by our fathers of 1776, and acknowledged to be by George the Third of England-independent and sovereign; not as one political community, but as States, each one of them constituting such a "people" as have the inalienable right to terminate any Government of their former choice, by withdrawing from it their consent, just as the original thirteen States, through their common agent, acting for and in the name of each one of them, by the withdrawal of their consent, put a rightful termination to the British Government, which has been established over them with their consent.

3. That the sovereignty of the individual States is the only basis of permanent peace on the American continent, and will, if the voice of passion and war can once be hushed, and reason allowed to resume her sway, lead us to an easy and lasting solution of all the matters of controversy involved in the present lamentable war, by simply leaving all the States free to form their political associations with one another, not by force of arms, which excludes the idea of "consent," but by a rational consideration of their respective interests growing out of their natural considerations.

4. That as the very point of controversy in the present war is the settlement of the political association of the States, no treaty of peace can be perfected consistently with the sovereignty of the individual States, without State action on the part of at least those States whose preference may justly be regarded as doubtful, and have not yet been expressed through the appropriate organs; and therefore opposition to all State co-operation in perfecting a peace cannot be consistent with a desire for its establishment on a basis of the sovereignty of the States.

5. That we hail with gratification the just and sound Mr. STAPLES obtained the floor, when Mr. BOULDIN called sentiment coming from a large and growing party in the for the order of the day. The consideration of the tax bill North, that all associations of these American States must and the question under debate was postponed, and a be voluntary, and not forcible, and we give a hearty reresolution from the Senate extending the session twenty-sponse to their proposition to suspend the conflict of arms, two days from Tuesday next taken up.

ALABAMA.

November, 1864-This preamble and resolution were submitted by Mr. PARSONS and debated:

Whereas ABRAHAM LINCOLN, as President of the United States, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy

and hold a convention of States to inaugurate a plan for permanent peace.

6. That the appropriate action of such a convention would be not to perform any agreement or compact between States, but only to frame and propose a plan of peace; and the assembling of such a convention, for such a purpose, would be relieved from all possible constitutional objection by the consent of the two Governments; and with such consent, the proposed Convention would but act as coш

missioners for the negotiation of peace, subject to the ratification of both Governments, and in all points involving the sovereignty or integrity of the States, subject also to the ratification of the particular States whose sovereignty might be so involved.

7. That we respectfully, but most earnestly, urge upon our own Government the propriety and wisdom of not only expressing a desire for peace, through the Presidential messages and Congressional manifestoes, but of making, on

all suitable occasions, and especially just after signal snecesses of our arms, official, open, and unequivocal offers to treat for peace, through the medium of a convention of States, leaving our adversary to accept our offers, or by rejecting them, to prove to his own people that he is waging this unnatural war, not for peace nor the good of his country, but for purposes of the most unholy and dangerous ambition.

On motion, two hundred copies were ordered to be printed.

RESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864.

[This table includes the Home Vote and the Army Vote.]

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*In Wisconsin, 3,163 votes for Lincoln, and 1,729 votes for McClellan electors were rejected for informality, and 418 scattering votes were cast, so that the total vote should have been 148,749.

This State was entitled to three electors, but one dying before the canvass was concluded, but two votes were cast in the Electoral College.

In Vermont, a large army vote was returned too late to be counted.

In the camps of Kentucky soldiers within that State, the army vote was included in the general canvass.

No army vote was received until too late for the canvass.

The Kansas soldiers' vote was 2,867 for Lincoln and 543 for McClellan; not canvassed on account of being received too late.

President LINCOLN's estimate, page 558, was but 129 less than the exact result!

INDEX.

ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS, Representative in Thirty-Sixth
Congress, 48; member of Committee of Thirty-three,
53; report of, 57; Secretary Seward's letter to, on
Trent affair, 338; to Lord Wharncliffe, 460.
ADAMS, GREEN, Representative in Thirty-Sixth Congress, 49.
ADAMS, JAMES H., Commissioner to Washington, 2; corres-
pondence with President Buchanan, 29-32; vote on se-
cession ordinance, 398.

ADAMS, WIRT, Commissioner from Mississippi to Louisiana,
11; received by Convention, 3.

ADDRESS, of South Carolina Convention to Slaveholding
States, 12; of loyal Governors in favor of Emancipa-
tion, 233; of disloyal Governors, 429, 430.
ADJUSTMENT PROPOSITIONS IN THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS-In
HOUSE: by Messrs. Thayer, John Cochrane, Haskin,
Mallory, Stevenson. English, Kilgore, Holman, Nib-
lack, McClernand, Noell, Hindman, Larrabee, Ander-
son of Missouri, Smith of Virginia, Sickles, Dunn,
Adrain, Morris of Pennsylvania, Stewart of Maryland,
Leake, Jenkins, Cox, Hutchins, Sherman, Etheridge,
Davis of Indiana, Florence, Fenton, Kellogg of Illinois,
and Vallandigham, 53-57; report of Committee of Thir-
ty-three and votes upon, 57-62; on Constitutional Con-
vention, 62-64; on Mr. Kellogg's, 63; on Mr. Clem-
ens's, 63. In SENATE: Mr. Pugh's, 63; Mr. Doolittle's,
64; Mr. Bingham's, 64; Mr. Grimes's, 64; Mr. Powell's
amendment to Mr. Crittenden's proposition, 65; Mr.
Clark's, 66; reconsideration and rejection of, 66; final,
defeat of the Crittenden proposition, 66; remarks of
Senators Johnson and Latham thereon, 66, 67. The
PEACE CONFERENCE, members, officers, proceedings, and
proposition of, and votes on, 68, 69. Senate Committee
of Thirteen, and votes therein, 70-72; propositions of
Senators Joseph Lane and Andrew Johnson, Repre-
Bentatives Barrett, Pryor, Colfax, Vallandigham, and
Morris of Illinois, and Border-State meeting, 73; of
New York Representatives, Alex. II. II. Stuart, Na-
tional Intelligencer, Albany Evening Journal, and Jo-
seph W. Taylor, 74; New York Sun, Baltimore Ex-
change, "A Distinguished Carolinian," and a corres-
pondent of the National Intelligencer, 75; Senator IIun-
ter, 86-88; and President Buchanan, 50.
ADJUSTMENT, Mr. Lincoln's reported opinion on, 67.
ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 105–194, 555-610.
ADRAIN, GARNETT B., Representative in Thirty-Sixth Con-

gress, 48; proposition of adjustment, 54; resolutions
on unconstitutional State laws, and approving Major
Anderson's course, 75, 76.

Advertiser, Mobile, comments on Floyd's transfer of United
States arms South, in 1859-'60, 35.
AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, propositions respecting, 52-72;

treaty for the suppression of, 150; modification of, 151;
bill to carry out the, 151; bill of rebel Congress con-
cerning, 151; veto of President Davis, 151; inter-
cepted Confederate" despatch upon, 151, 152.
AGNEW, DANIEL, Justice Supreme Court of Pennsylvania,
decision on enrollment act, 274; on "legal tenders,"
455.

AIKEN, WARREN, Speaker of Georgia Rebel House of Repre-
sentatives, 329; Representative in Second Congress,
402.
ALABAMA, Vote for President in 1860, 1; Members of Thirty.

Sixth Congress, 48, 49; Deputies in Rebel Provisional
Congress, 11, 400; Members of First Congress, 401;
Second, 402; secession movement in Convention and
Legislature, 4; ratified Confederate Constitution, 4;
Inter-State Commissioners, 11; makes a loan to the
Provisional Government, 12; seizures and surrenders,'
40

27; commissioners sent from, to treat with United
States Government, 34; purchase of Government arms
by, in 1860, 35; resolutions of Legislature, on military
employment of slaves, 282; on peace, 456, 621; soldiers
in the army, 399; reconstruction meeting in Huntsville,
112.

Albany Evening Journal, adjustment proposition of, 74.
ALDRICH, CRYUS, Representative in Thirty-Sixth Congress,
49; Thirty-Seventh, 122.

ALEXANDER, WILLIAM C., Member of Peace Conference, 67.
ALEXANDRIA, Virginia, opening of port of, to trade, 149.
ALIENS, President's proclamation relative to, 272; legisla
tion respecting, 115.

ALLEGED FOREIGN ENLISTMENTS, 343–345.
ALLEGIANCE, OATH OF, bill requiring from lawyers, 602;
new rule of the Senate respecting, note, 603.
ALLEN, CHARLES, Member of Peace Conference, 67.
ALLEN, HENRY W., Rebel Governor of Louisiana, on recon-
struction, 331; despatch on colored soldiers, note, 428.
ALLEN, JAMES C., Representative in Thirty-Eighth Congress,
140.
ALLEN, WILLIAM, Representative in Thirty-Sixth Congress,
49; Thirty-Seventh, 122; resolutions on the objects of
the war, 285, 287.
.ALLEN, WILLIAM J., Representative in Thirty-Seventh Con-
gress, 123; Thirty-Eighth, 140.
ALLEY, JOHN B., Representative in Thirty-Sixth Congress,
48; Thirty-Seventh, 122; Thirty-Eighth, 140.
ALLISON, JOSEPH, Judge, opinion on Legal Tender Act, 455.
ALLISON, WILLIAM B., Representative in Thirty-Eighth Con-
gress, 140.

ALRICKS, HAMILTON, proposed resolution at Democratic
National Convention, 418.
ALVORD, HENRY E., Lieutenant, captured Moseby's military
papers, 119.
AMERICA, Central and South, monarchical intrigues in, 343.
American, Baltimore, on arrests, 153; statement in, respect-
ing Church Difficulties, 531-533.
AMERICAN BOARD OF FOREIGN MISSIONS, resolution of, in 1864,
on Slavery and the State of the Country, 507.
AMES, JAMES T., purchase of Government arms in 1860, 35.
AMES, OAKES, Representative in Thirty-Eighth Congress,
140.
AMES, SAMUEL, Member of Peace Conference, 67.
AMNESTY, President's argument upon, 146; proclamations
of, 147, 148; accompanying circular of Attorney Gen-
eral, 148.

ANCONA, SYDENHAM E., Representative in Thirty-Seventh
Congress, 122; Thirty-Eighth, 140; resolution on en-
rollment, 270.

ANDERSON, CLIFFORD, Representative in Second Rebel Con-
gress, 402.

ANDERSON, FULTON, Commissioner from Mississippi to Vir
ginia, 11; received by Virginia, 6.

ANDERSON, JOSIAH M., Member of Peace Conference, 68.
ANDERSON, J. PATTON, Deputy in Rebel Provisional Congress,
11, 400; resigned, 400; vote on secession ordinance, 399.
ANDERSON, LUCIEN, Representative in Thirty-Eighth Con-
gress, 140.
ANDERSON, ROBERT, Major, Floyd's instructions to, 31; cor-

respondence before firing upon Sumter, 113, 114; re-
port of, 114; resolution approving course of, 76.
ANDERSON, S. J. P., Rev. Dr., court-martial of, 537, 538.
ANDERSON, THOMAS L., Representative in Thirty-Sixth Con-
gress, 49.

ANDERSON, WILLIAM C., Representative in Thirty-Sixth Con
gress, 49.

ANDREW, JOHN A., Governor of Massachusetts, signer of Al
toona Address, 233.

ANTHONY, D. R., Lieut. Col., order on fugitive slaves, 251.

625

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