of the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic.

Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting Government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over threefourths of the revenue collected for the support of Government has uniformly been raised from the North.

Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully aud candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of Government, and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and Post-Office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the Free States was, by the report of the Postmaster-General for the year 1860, a little over $13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to be supplied by the North for our accommodation, and without it we must have been entirely cut off from this most essential branch of Government.

Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millious of dollars you must expend in a war with the North; with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition-and for what, we ask again? Is it for the overthrow of the American Government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of Right, Justice and Humanity? And, as such, I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest Government-the most equal in its rights. the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a Government as this, under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century-in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed-is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote.

In strong contrast with the doleful narrative of the South Carolina Secessionists, are the following extracts touching the point of the security and prosperity of the Slave system:

From the speech of Hon. JAMES H. HAMMOND, U. S. Senator from South Carolina, delivered at Barnwell Court House, October 27, 1858.

From the time that the wise and good Las Casas first introduced into America the institution of African slavery -I say institution, because it is the oldest that exists, and will, I believe, survive all others that now flourishit has had its enemies. For a long while they were chiefly men of peculiar and eccentric religious notions, Their first practical and political success arose from the convulsions of the French revolution,, which lost to that empire its best colony. Next came the prohibition of the slave-trade, the excitement of the Missouri compromise in this country, and then the deliberate emancipation of the slaves in their colonies by the British Government in 1833-34. About the time of the passage of that act the abolition agitation was revived again in this country, and Abolition societies were formed. I remember the time well, and some of you do also.

thoroughly, and what is the result? Why it would be difficult to find now a Southern man who feels the system to be the slightest burden on his conscience; who does not, in fact, regard it as an equal advantage to the master and the slave elevating both, as wealth, strength, and power, and as one of the main pillars and controlling influences of modern civilization, and who is not now prepared to maintain it at every hazard. Such have been for us the happy results of this abolition discussion. So far our gain has been immense from this contest, savage and malignant as it has been. Nay, we have solved already the question of emancipation by this re-examination and exposition of the false theories of religion, philanthropy, and political economy which embarrassed our fathers in their day.

With our convictions and our strength, emancipation here is simply an impossibility to man, whether by persuasion, purchase, or coercion. The rock of Gibraltar does not stand so firm on its basis as our slave system. For a quarter of a century it has borne the brunt of a hurricane as fierce and pitiless as ever raged. At the North and in Europe they cried "havoc," and let loose upon us all the dogs of war. And how stands it now? Why, in this very quarter of a century our slaves hirve doubled in numbers and each slave has more than doubled in value. The very negro who as a prime laborer would have brought $400 in 1828, would now, with thirty more years upon him, sell for $800. What does all this mean? Why, that we ourselves have settled this question of emancipatoin against all the world, in theory and in practice, and the world must accept our solution.

From the carefully-prepared speech of Hon. ALEX. H. STEPHENS of Georgia, in July, 1859, after his retirement from Congress, and in review of his political course:

Nor am I of the number of those who believe that we have sustained any injury by those agitations. It is true, we were not responsible for them. We were not the sault, calumny, and aspersion, by argument, by reason aggressors. We acted on the defensive. We repelled asslavery in our section being weakened or rendered less and truth. But so far from the institution of African secure by the discussion, my deliberate judgment is, that it has been greatly strengthened and fortified-strengthened and fortified not only to the opinions, convictions, and consciences of men, but by the action of the Govern ment.

From the Charlottesville (Va.) speech of Hon. ROBERT M. T. HUNTER, U. S. Senator from Virginia, at the Breckinridge Democratic State Convention, 1860:

When I first entered the Federal councils, which was

at the commencement of Mr. Van Buren's administration, the moral and political status of the slavery question was very different from what it now is. Then the Southern men themselves, with but few exceptions, admitted slavery to be a moral evil, and palliated and excused it upon the plea of necessity. Then there were few men of any party to be found in the non-slaveholding States who did not maintain both the constitutionality and expediency of the anti-slavery resolution, now generally known as the Wilmot Proviso. Had any man at that day ventured the prediction that the Missouri restriction would ever be repealed, he would have been deemed a visionary and theorist of the wildest sort. What a revolution have we not witnessed in all this! The discussion and the contest on the slavery question have gone on ever since, so as to absorb almost entirely the American mind. In many respects the results of that discussion have not been adverse to us. Southern men no longer occupy a deprecatory attitude upon the question of negro slavery in this country. While they by no means pretend that slavery is a good condition of things, under any circumstances and in all countries, they do maintain that, under the relations that And what then was the state of opinion in the South? the two races stand to each other here, it is best for both Washington had emancipated his slaves. Jefferson had that the inferior should be subjected to the superior. The bitterly denounced the system, and had done all that he same opinion is extending even to the North, where it is could to destroy it. Our Clays, Marshalls, Crawfords, entertained by many, although not generally accepted. and many other prominent Southern men, had led off in As evidence, too, of the growing change on this subject the colonization scheme. The inevitable effect in the of the public sentiment of the world, I may refer to the South was that she believed slavery to be an evil-weak-course of France and Great Britain in regard to the coolie ness-disgraceful-nay, a sin. She shrunk from the discussion of it. She cowered under every threat. She attempted to apologize, to excuse herself under the pleawhich was true-that England had forced upon her: and in fear and trembling she awaited a doom that she deemed inevitable. But a few bold spirits took the question up: they compelled the South to investigate it anew and

and the African apprenticeship system introduced into their colonies. That they are thus running the slavetrade in another form is rarely denied. It is not to be supposed that these Governments are blind to the real nature of this coolie-trade; and the arguments by which they defend it already afford an evidence of a growing change in their opinions upon slavery in general.

From the appeal for recognition, made to Earl Russell, by WM. L. YANCEY, P. A. ROST and A. DUDLEY MANN, Rebel Commissioners, dated:

No. 15 Half Moon Street, London, August 14th, 1861. It was from no fear that the Slaves would be liberated that secession took place. The very party in power has proposed to guarantee slavery forever in the States, if the

South would but remain in the Union. Mr. Lincoln's message proposes no freedom to the slave, but announces subjection of his owuer to the will of the Union, in other Words to the will of the North. Even after the battle of Ball Run, both branches of the Congress at Washington passed resolutions that the war is only waged in order to uphold that (Pro-Slavery) Constitution, and to enforce he laws (many of them Pro-Slavery), and out of 172 votes in the lower House they received all but two, and in the Senate all but one vote. As the army commenced its march, the commanding-general issued an order that no slaves should be received into, or allowed to follow, the camp.

sentiment of England is concerned, it can have no sympa

this was a suspicion unsupported by any proof. The fact was, that they had prohibited the slave-trade, and did not mean to revive it. They pointed to the new tariff of the United States as a proof that British manufacturers would be nearly excluded from the North, and freely admitted in the South. Other observations were made, but not of very great importance.

The delegates concluded by stating that they should remain in London for the present, in the hope that the recog nition of the Southern Confederacy would not be long delayed. I am, etc.,

J. RUSSELL.

To all these arguments and suggestions, the Earl was deaf, and the Confederate States of America are still unrecognized

Seizures and Surrenders, From November 4, 1860, to March 4, 1861.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

December 27th, 1860. Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, light-house tender and schooner William Aiken, surrendered by Captain Coste of South Carolina.

31st. U. S. Arsenal, Post-Office, and Custom-House in Charleston; arsenal containing seventy thousand stand of arms, and other stores.

January 9th, 1861. Steamer Marion at Charleston. Star of the West fired upon. April 13th. Fort Sumter surrendered.

The great object of the war, therefore, as now officially announced, is not to free the slave, but to keep him in subjection to his owuer, and to control his labor through the legislative channels which the Lincoln Government designs to force upon the master. The undersigned, therefore, submit with confidence that as far as the anti-slavery thy with the North; nay, it will probably become disgusted with a canting hypocrisy which would enlist those sympathies on false pretences. The undersigned are, however, not insensible to the surmise that the Lincoln Government may, under stress of circumstances, change its policy, a policy based at present more upon a wily view of what is to be its effect in rearing up an element in the Confederate States favorable to the reconstruction of the Union than upon any honest desire to uphold a Constitution, the main provisions of which it has most shamelessly violated. Bat they confidently submit to your Lordship's consider ation that success in producing so abrupt and violent a destruction of a system of labor which has reared up so vast a commerce between America and the great States of Europe, which, it is supposed, now gives bread to 10,000,000 24th. Arsenal at Augusta, containing two of the population of those States, which, it may be safely assamed, is intimately blended with the basis of the great 12-pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000 manufacturing and navigating prosperity that distin-muskets and rifles, and large stores of pow guishes the age, and probably not the least of the elements of this prosperity, would be visited with results disastrous

to the world, as well as to the master and slave.

These Commissioners made a verbal statement to Earl Russell, May 4th, 1861, as appears from the despatch of the Earl to Lord Lyons:

Foreign Office, May 11th, 1861. My Lord-On Saturday last 1 received at my house Mr. Yancey, Mr. Mann, and Judge Rost, the three gentle men deputed by the Southern Confederacy to obtain their

recognition as an independent State.

One of these gentlemen, speaking for the others, dilated on the causes which had induced the Southern States to secede from the Northern. The principal of these caus ́8, he said, was not slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of protecting the Northern manufacturers,

the South were obliged to pay for the manufactured goods which they required. One of the first acts of the Southern Congress was to reduce these duties, and to prove their sincerity he gave as an instance that Louisiana had given up altogether that protection on her sugar which she enjoyed by the legislation of the United States. As a proof of the riches of the South, he stated that of $350,000,000 of exports of produce to foreign countries, $270,000,000 were furnished by the Southern States,

I said that I could hold no official communication with the delegates of the Southern States. That, however, when the question of recognition came to be formally dis cased, there were two points upon which inquiry must be made-first, whether the body seeking recognition could maintain its position as an independent State; secondly, in what manner it was proposed to maintain relations with foreign States.

After speaking at some length on the first of these points. and alluding to the news of the secession of Virginia and other intelligence favorable to their cause, these gentlemen called my attention to the article in their constitution prohibiting the slave-trade. I said that it was alleged very currently that if the Slave States found that they could not compete successfully with the cotton of other countries they would revive the slave-trade for the purpose of diminishing the cost of production. They said

GEORGIA.

January 2d, 1861. Forts Pulaski and Jackson and United States Arsenal, by State troops, under advice from Georgia members of Congress.

der, balls, grape, etc.
seized.

U. S. steamer Ida

February 8th. Brig W. R. Kibby, and four other New York vessels, estimated at $50,000, seized by order of the Governor of Georgia, to be held until certain guns on board the Monticello, seized by the police of New York, shall be delivered to the agents of Georgia. Collector of the port of Savannah ordered by the Governor of Georgia to retain all moneys from customs in his possession, and make no payment on account of the Federal Government.

21st. Three New York vessels seized at Savannah by order of the Governor. FLORIDA.

January 12th, 1861. The Navy Yard, and Forts Barrancas and McRae, taken by Florida and Alabama troops. Jan. 7, Fort Marion and the arsenal at St. Augustine. The Chattahoochee arsenal taken, containing 500,000 rounds of musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges, and 50,000 pounds of gunpowder, but no arms. Coast survey schooner F. W. Dana seized.

ALABAMA.

January 4th, 1861. Fort Morgan seized by Mobile troops, containing about 5,000 shot and shell. Also Mt. Vernon Arsenal, containing 20,000 stand of arms, 1,500 barrels of powder, (150,000 pounds), some pieces of cannon, and large amount of mu

December 31st. JOSEPH HOLT, Postmaster-General, was entrusted with the temporary charge of the War Department, and January 8th, 1861. Forts Johnson and January 18th, 1861, was appointed SecreCaswell seized by the State militia. Gov-tary of War. ernor Ellis ordered them to be surrendered to the United States authorities, with an intimation to the President that if any attempt should be made to reinforce them, they would be again seized and held by the State.

Correspondence between President And, in conclusion, we would urge upon Buchanan and the "Commissioners" you the immediate withdrawal of the troops of South Carolina.

from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment.

The "Commissioners" to the President. Washington, Dec. 28th, 1860. SIR: We have the honor to transmit to you a copy of the full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are "authorized and empowered to treat with the Government of the United States for the delivery of the forts. magazines, lighthouses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, in the limits of South Carolina; and also for an apportionment of the public debt, and for a To the President of the United States.

division of all other property held by the Government of the United States as agent of the Confederated States of which South Carolina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made and adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of peace and amity between this Commonwealth and the Government at Washington."

In the execution of this trust, it is our duty to furnish you, as we now do, with an official copy of the Ordinance of Secession by which the State of South Carolina has resumed the powers she delegated to the Government of the United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and independence.

It would also have been our duty to have informed you that we were ready to negotiate with you upon all such questions as are necessarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance, and that we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our new relations as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a future of good-will and harmony beneficial to all the parties concerned. But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible.

We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants,

R. W. BARNWELL,
J. H. ADAMS,

JAMES L. ORR,

Commissioners.

The President to the "Commissioners."

Washington, December 30th, 1860. GENTLEMEN: I have had the honor to receive your communication of the 28th inst., together with a copy of "your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina," authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States on various important subjects therein mentioned, and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that "the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved."

In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that "apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto Government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings."

We came here the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our arrival here, an officer of the United Such is my opinion still. I could, thereStates, acting, as we are assured, not only fore, meet you only as private gentlemen of without, but against your orders, has dis- the highest character, and was entirely mantled one fort and occupied another; willing to communicate to Congress any thus altering, to a most important extent, proposition you might have to make to that the condition of affairs under which we came. body upon the subject. Of this you were well Until the circumstances are explained in aware. It was my earnest desire that such a manner which relieves us of all doubt as a disposition might be made of the whole to the spirit in which these negotiations subject by Congress, who alone possess the shall be conducted, we are forced to suspend power, as to prevent the inauguration of a all discussion as to any arrangements by civil war between the parties in regard to which our mutual interests might be ami- the possession of the Federal forts in the cably adjusted. harbor of Charleston, and I therefore deeply

regret that, in your opinion, "the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible."

In conclusion, you urge upon me the "immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston," stating that "under present circumstances they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment."

Washington, December 9th, 1860. "To His Excellency James Buchanan, Presi dent of the United States:

"In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston, previously to the action of the Convention, and we hope and believe not until an offer has been made The reason for this change in your po- through an accredited representative to nesition is, that since your arrival in Wash- gotiate for an amicable arrangement of all ington, "an officer of the United States, matters between the State and the Federal acting, as we, (you) are assured, not only Government; provided that no reinforcewithout, but against your (my) orders, has ments shall be sent into those forts and their dismantled one fort and occupied another-relative military status shall remain as at thus altering to a most important extent present. the condition of affairs under which we (you) came." You also allege that you came here "the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its power." This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been observed.

In my message of the 3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it "has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legislature of the State," for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the authority "to exercise exclusive legislation" has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.

This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, 8th December, four of the Representatives from South Carolina called upon me and requested an interview. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They did so accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th instant, three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the Representatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy:

JOHN MCQUEEN, M. L. BONHAM, W. W. BOYCE, LAWRENCE M. KEITT." And here I must, in justice to myself, remark that at the time the paper was presented to me I objected to the word "provided," as it might be construed into an agreement on my part, which I never would make. They said that nothing was farther from their intention; they did not so understand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have the authority to do this, and were acting in their individual character. I considered it as nothing more, in effect, than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for the purpose expressed. The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received a line from any one of them nor from any member of the Convention on the subject. It is well known that it was my determination, and this I freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attacked or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received most cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserved, and that time might be thus given for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge.

But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a posi tive and formal agreement with parties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have certainly never authorized any change to be made "in their relative military status." Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th instant, to Major Anderson, but not brought