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Let us therefore, reason together. It is not my purpose as I am doing now, and let reason and true patriotism de to say aught to wound the feelings of any individual who cide between us. In my judgment, I say, under such cir. may be present; and if, in the ardency with which I shall cumstances, there would be no possible disgrace for a express my opinions, I shall say any thing which may be Southern man to hold office. No man will be suffered to be deemed 100 strong, let it be get down to the zeal with which appointed, I have no doubt, who is not true to the ConstiI avexate my own convictions. There is with me no inten- tution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, as I tva to irritate or offend.

cannot permit myself to doubt that they will be. The first question that presents itself is, shall the people My honorable friend who addressed you last night (Mr. of the Surathi secerle from the Union in consequence of the Toombs), and to whom I listened with the profoundest atelerting of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United tention, asks if we would submit to Black Republican rule? States! My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candid'y and ear. I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I never would subnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment mit to any Black Republican agression upon our constitu. the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high tional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as I attee, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the admire this Union for the glories of the past, or the blessCoin. If onght to stand by and aid still in maintaining ingy of the present--as much as it has done for the people the Constitution and the country. To make a point of re- of all these States--as much as it has done for civilization sistance to the government, to withdraw from it because a -as much as the hopes of the world hang upon it, I would mun has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. never submit to aggression upon my rights to maintain it We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us longer; and if they cannot be maintained in the Union, bare sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere standing on the Georgia platform, where I bave stood from election of a man to the Presidency, and that too in accord- the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting ance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a every tie which binds the States together. pint of resistance to the government without becoming I will have equality for Georgia and for the citizens of the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves--with- Georgia, in this Union, or I will look for new safi guards draw our lves from it? Would we not be in the wrong? elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now is, Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid can they be secured in the Union? That is what I am to the charge of the people of the South, and especially to counseling with you to-night about. Can it be secured? the people of Georgia, that we were untrue to our national In my judginent it may be, but it inay not be; but let us engigerente. Let the frult and the wrong rest upon others. do all we can, so that in the future, if the worst come, it If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go may never be said that we were negligent in doing our duty down, let us he found to the last moment standing on the to the last. dek, with the Constitution of the United Statey waving My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this Union over our heul. Let the fanatics of the North break the has been a curse up to this time. True men, men of integCostitutiu, if such is their fell purp se. Let the respon- rity, entertain different views from me on this subject. I sibility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of do not question their right to do so; I would not impogn their act; but let not the South-let us not be the ones to their motives in so doing. Nor will I undertake to say that eunmit the aggression. We went into the election with this government of our fathers is perfect. There is nothing this perple. The result was different from what we wished; perfect in this world of a human origin-nothing connected bat the election has been constitutionally held. Were we with human nature, from man himself to any of his works. to make a point of resistance to the Government and go out You may select the wisest and best men for your judges, of the Union on that account, the record would be made up and yet how many defects are there in the administration hose fler against us.

of justice? You may select the wisest and best men for But it is said Mr. incoln's policy and principles are your legislators, and yet how many fects are apparent against the Constitution, and that if he carries them out it in your laws? And it is so in our Government. will be destructive of our rights. Let us not anticipato But that this government of our fathers, with all its dea threatened eril. If he violates the Constitution, iben fects, comes nearer the objects of all good governmenty will come our time to act. Do not let us break it because, than any other on the face of the earth is my settled convicfirsoth, he may. If he does, that is the time for us to tion. Contrast it now with any on the face of the earth. strike. I think it would be injudicious and unwise to do (England, said Mr. Toombs.] England, my friend says. Well, this sooner. I do not anticipite that Mr. Lincoln will do that is the next best, I grunt; but I think we have improved any thing to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice hand on the be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by the constitutional government of England, and then ours was made. Ours checks which are thrown around him, which at this time sprung from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most render hin powerless to do any great mischief. This shows of the good and leaving out many of its errors, and from the wium of our system. The President of the United the whole constructing and building up this model RepubStates is no Emperor, no dictator--ho is clothed with no lic-the best which the history of the world gives any acalisolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by count of. per in Congress. The House of Representatives is Compare, my friends, this Government with that of Spain, Largeir in the majority against him.

Mexico, the South American Republics, Germany, Ireland In the Senate he will ala) be powerlesz. There will be a -are there any song of that down-trodden nation here tomujority of fuur against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, night !--Prussia, or, if you travel further east, to Turkey or Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the China. Where will you go, following the sun in its circuit Satingal Demócratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln round our globe, to find a government that better protecte cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate. the liberties of its people, and secures to them the blessings He cannot form a cabinet without the sanie consent. Ilo we enjy? I think that one of the evils that beset us is a will be in the condition of George III. (the emboliment of surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the pricelese blessings Tryisrn), sbo had to ask the whigs to appoint his minis- for which we are ungrateful. We listened to my honorable ters, and was compelled to receive a cabinet utterly op- friend who addressed you last night (Mr. Toombs) as he prised to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled recounted the evils of this Government. in a-k of the Senate to choose for him a cabinet, if the De- The first was the fishing bounties, paid mostly to the Dracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. Jo sailors of New England. Our friend stated that forty-eight will be compelled to do this or let the government stop, if years of our government was under the administration of th: National Democratic men--for that is their name at the Southern Presidents. Well, these fishing bounties began North-the conservative men in the Senate, should so de- under the rule of a Southern President, I believe. No ono termine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a cabinet of them during the whole forty-eight years ever get his adwatch would aid him, or allow him to violate the Consti- ministration against the principle or policy of them. It is toti?

not for me to say whether it was a wise policy in the beginWhy, then. I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union ning; it probably was not, and I have nothing to say in its when his hands are tied, when he can do nothing against defence. But the reason given for it was to encourage onr @? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. We Getria, wbo is true to her interests, could hold office under had at the time but a small navy. It was thoughi best to Mr. Lincoln. But, I ask, who appoints to office? Not the encourage a class of our people to become acquainted with President alone ; the Senate has to copcar. No man can be seafaring life, to become snilors-to man our naval ships. uppánted without the consent of the Senate. Should any It requires practice to walk the deck of a ship, to furl tho min then refuse to hold office that was given to him by it Bails, to go aloft, to climb the mast; and it was thought, by Decratic Senate? (Mr. Toombs interrupted, and said if offoring this bounty, a nursery might be formed in which the Senate was Democratic it was for Mr. Breckinridge.) young men would become perfected in these arts, and it apo Well, then, continued Mr. S., I apprehend no man could be plied to one section of the country as well as to any other. justly considered untrue to the interests of Georgia, or in- The result of this was, that in the war of 1812 our sailore, cur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to many of whom came from this nursery, were equal to any had an office which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, that England brought against us. At any rate, no small even though Mr. Láncoln should be President. /

part of the glories of that war were gained by the veteran I trast, my countrymen, you will be still and silent. I tars of America, and the object of these bounties was to am adiressing your good sense. I am giving you my views foster that branch of the national defence. My opinion is in a calm and dispassionate manner, and if any of you differ that whatever may have been the reason at first, this with me, you can, on any other occasion, give your views | bounty ought to be discontinued-the reason for it at first

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no longer exists. A bill for this object did pass the Senate problematical. On the one side we can only put the fact the last Congress I was in, to which my honorable friend against speculation and conjecture on the other. But even contributed greatly, but it was not reached in the Ilouse of as a question of speculation I differ with my distinguished Ropresentatives. I trust that he will vet see that he may, friend. with honor continue his connection with the government,

What we would have lost in border wars without the and that his eloquence, unrivalled in the Senate, may here: Union, or what we have gained simply by the peace it has after, as heretofore, be displayed in having this bounty, so , secured, no estimate can be made of. Our foreign trade, obnoxious to bim, repealed, and wiped off from the statute

which is the foundation of all our prosperity, has the protecbook.

tion of the navy, which drove the pirates from the waters The next evil which my friend complained of, was the near our coast, where they had been buccaneering for cedtariff. Well, let us look at that for a moment. About the turies before, and might have been still had it not been for time I commenced noticing public matters, this question the American Navy, under the command of such spirits as was gitating the country almost as fearfully as the slato Commodore Porter. Now that the coast is clear, that our question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, South commerce flows freely outwardly, we can not well estimate Carolina was ready to nullify or secede from the Union on how it would have been under other circumstances. The this account. And what have we seen? The tariff no influence of the Government on us is like that of the atlonger distracts the public counsels. Reason has tri- mosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and uniseen umphed! The present tariff was voted for by Massachu- that they are seldom thought of or appreciated. setts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down

We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in the together-every man in the Senate and Ilouse from Massa- air we breathe, and yet let this simple, unseen and upfelt chusetts and South Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did agent be withdrawn. this life-giving element be taken away my houorable friend bimself.' And if it be true, to use the from this all-pervading fluid around us, and what instant figure of speech of my honorable friend, that every man and appalling changes would take place in all organic in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has creation. his muscle strengthened by the protection of the govern- It may be that we are all that we are in “spite of the ment, that stimulant was given by his vote, and I believe General Government,” but it may be that without it we every other Southern man. So we ought not to complain

should have been far different from what we are now. It is of that.

true there is no equal part of the earth with natural reMr. Toomes. The tariff assessed the duties,

sources superior perhaps to ours. That portion of this Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity country known as the Southern States, stretching from the voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the picture just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is drawn by the bonorable and eloquent Senator last night, in the rate they are now at. If reason and argument, with all natural capacities. But how many ages and centuries experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of passed before these capacities were developed to reach this Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the advanced age of civilization? There these same hills, rich tariff, may not like changes be effected there by the same in ore, same rivers, same valleys and plains, are as they means-reason and argument, and appeals to patriotism on have been since they came from the hand of the Creator; the present vexed question? And who can say that by uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over then for how 1875 or 1890 Massachusetts may not vote with South Caro- long no history informs 118. lina and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract It ras only under our institutions that they could be de the country and threaten its peace and existence. I believe veloped. Their development is the result of the enterprise in the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of of our people, uuder operations of the Government and intruth, and its ultimate triunph when properly wieldedi. stitutions under which we have lived. Even our peuple,

Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable without these, never would have done it. The organization friend was the Navigation Laws. This policy was also of society has much to do with the development of the commenced under the Administration of one of these natural resources of any country or any land. The insti. Southern Presidents who ruled so well, and has been con- tutions of a people, political and moral, are the matrix in tinued through all of them since. The gentleman's views ! which the germ of their organic structure quickens into of the policy of these laws and my own do not disagree. | life-takes root, and develops in form, nature, and characWe occupied the same ground in relation to them in Con- ter. Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix. from gress. It is not my purpose to defend them now. But which spring all our characteristics of development and it is proper to state some matters connected with their greatness. Look at Greece. There is the same fertile soil, origin.

the same blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the same One of the objects was to build up a commercial American gean, the same Olympus; there is the same land where marine hy giving American bottoms the exclusive carrying- Ilomer sung, where Pericles spoke; it is in nature the same trade between our own ports. This is a great arm of national old Greece-but it is living Greece no more. power. This object was accomplished. We have now an Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; yet amount of shipping, not only coast wise, but to foreign' what is the reason of this past difference? In the midst of countries, which puts us in the front rank of the nations of present degradation we see the glorious fmgments of ancient the world. England can no longer be styled the Mistress of works of art-temples, with ornaments and inscriptions the Seas What American is not proud of the result? | that excite wonder and admiration-the remains of a once Whether those laws should be continued is another question. high order of civilization, which have outlived the inne But one thing is certain: no President, Northern or South-guage they spoke-upon them all, Ichabod is writtenern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. And my their glory has departed. Why is this so? I answer, their friend's efforts to get them repealed were met with but institutions have been destroyed. These were but the little favor, North or South.

fruits of their forms of government, the matrix from which These, then, were the true main grievances or grounds their grand development sprung; and when once the inof complaint against the general system of our Government stitutions of a people have been destroyed, there is no and its workings-I mean the administration of the Federal earthly power that can bring back the Promethean spurk Government. As to the acts of the Federal States I shall to kindle them here again, any more than in that ancient speak presently; but these three were the main ones used land of eloquence, poetry, and song. against the common hend. Now, suppose it be admitted- The same may be said of Italy. Where is Rome, once the that all of these are evils in the systein; do they over- mistress of the world? There are the same seren hills balance and outweigh the advantages and great gowl which now, the same mil, the same natural resources; nature is this sime government affords in a thousand innumerable the same, but what a ruin of human greatness meets the ways that cannot be estimated? Have we not at the South, eye of the traveller throughout the length and breadth of

well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy that most down-trodde land! Why have not the people under its operations? Has any part of the world ever of that Heaven-furored clime the spirit that animated their shown such rapid progress in the development of wealth, fathers? Why this end difference? and all the material resources of national power and great- It is the destruction of her institutions that has caneerit; nesy, as the Southern States have unvier the General and, my countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull Government, notwithstanding all its defects?

down and destroy those institutions which the patriotic Mr. TOOMBA. In spite of it,

band of our fathers labored so long and so hard to build up, Mr. STEPHENS. My honorable friend says we have, in and wluich have done so much for 118 and the world, who spite of the General Government; that without it, I supporo can venture the prediction that similar results will not enhe thinks, wo might have done as well, or perhaps better, suo? Let us avoid it if we can. I trust the spirit is among than we have done this in spite of it. That may be and it us that will enable us to do it. Let us mint ruhly try the may not be; but the great fact that we have grown great experiment, for, if it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and and powerful under the Government as it exists--there is in the South American Republics, and in every other place no conjecture or speculation about that; it stands out bold, wherever liberty is once destroyed, it may never be restored high, and prominent, like your Stone Mountain, to which to us again, the gentleman alluded in illustrating home facts in his There are defects in our government, errors in adminis. record-this great fact of our unrivalled prosperity in the tion, and short-comings of many kinds; but in spite of Union as it is admitted; whether all this is in spite of the these defects and errors, Georgia has grown to be a great Government--whether we of the South would have been State. Let us pause here a moment. In 1850 there was a better off without the Government–is, to say the least, / great crisis, but not so fearful as this; for, of all I have

erer passed through, this is the most perilous, and requires against this, then I am for standing where Georgia planted to be met with the greatest calmness and deliberation. herself in 1850. These were plain propesitions, which were

There were many among us in 1850 zealous to go at once then laid down in her celebrated platform as sufficient for out of the Union, to disrupt every tie that binds us together. the disruption of the Union if the occusion should ever Now, do you believe, bad that policy been carried out at come. On these Georgia has declared that she will go out that time, we would have been the same great people that of the Union; and for these she would be justified by the we are to-day? It may be that we would, but have you | nations of the earth in so doing. any assurance of that fact? Would you have made the say the same; I said it then; I say it now-if Mr. Linsame advancement, improvement, and progress in all that coln's policy should be carried out. I have told you that I constitutes material wealth and prosperity that we have? do not think his bare election sufficient cause: but if his

I ntice, in the Comptroller-General's report, that the policy should be carried out in violation of any of the printaxable property of Georgia is 3670,000,000 and upward, an ciples set forth in the Georgia platform, that would be such amoant not far from double what it was in 1850. I think I an act of aggression wbich ought to be met as therein promay venture to say that for the last ten years the material vided for. If his policy shall be carried out in repealing Fealth of the people of Georgia has been nearly if not quite or modifying the fugitivo slave law so as to weaken its doubled. The same may be said of our advance in educa-efficacy, Georgia has declared that she will, in the last retion and every thing that marks our civilization. Have we sort, disrupt the ties of the Union and I say so too. I any assurance that, had we regarded the earnest but mis- stand upon the Georgia platform, and upon every plank, gui le patriotic advice, as I think, of some of that day, and and say, if these aggressions therein proviled for take disrupted the ties which bind us to the Union, we would place I say to y'u and to the people of Georgia, keep your Lire advanced as we have? I think not. Well, then, let powder dry, and let your assailants then have lead, if need us be careful now before we attenipt any rash experiment bo. I would wait for an act of aggression. This is my of this sort. I know that there are friendt--whose patri- position. otism I do not intend to question-who think this Union a Now upon another point, and that the most difficult, and curse—and that we would be better off without it. I do deserving your most serious consideration, I will speak. Dot so think, if we can bring about a correction of those that is the course which this State should pursue towards evils which threatenind I am not without hope that this those Northern States, which by their legislative acts have mas yet be done. This appeal to go out, with all the pro- attempted to nullify the fugitive slave law. I know that vis on fur good that accompany it, I look upon it as a great in sone of these states their acts pretend to be based upon and I fear a fatal temptation.

the principles set forth in the case of PRIgG against PoinWhen I look around and see our prosperity in every thing, sylvania. "That decision did proclaim the doctrine that the agriculture, commerce, art, science, and every department State officers are not bound to carry out the provisions of a of education, physical and mental, as well as moralindvance-law of Congress—that the Federal Government can not imment, and our colleges, I think, in the face of such an ex- pose duties upon State officials-that they must execute hibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any essen- their own laws by their own officers. And this may be true. tial right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to But still it is the duty of the States to deliver fugitiveslaves, ourselves and to preterity to let us not too readily yield to as well as the duty of the General Government to see that it this temptatioa-do so. Our first parents, the great pro- is done. genitors of the hunan race, were not without a like tempta- Northern States, on entering into the Federal compact, tion when in the garden of Eden. They were led to believe plexiged themselves to surrender such fugitives; and it is in that their condition would be betterel-that their eyes disregard of their obligations that they have passed law, wald be opened and that they would berome as gols. which eren tend to hinder or obstruct the fulfilment of They in an evil hour yielded-instead of becoming gods, that obligation. They have violated their plighted faith they odly save their own nakedness.

what ought we to do in view of this? That is the question. I look aron this country with our institutions as the Edlen What is to be done? By the law of nations you would of the world, the paradise of the universo. It may be that have a right to demand the carrying out of this article of out of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but agreement, and I do not see that it should be otherwise I am candid and sincere in telling you thit I fear if we with respect to the States of this Union; and, in case it be rashly evince passion, and without sufficient cause shall not done, we would, by these principles, bave the right to take that step, that instead of becoming gretter or more commit acts of reprisal on these faithless governinents, and peaceful, prosperous, and happr-insten of becoming girls, seize upon their property, or that of their citizens, wherever *e will become demons, and at no distant day commence found. The States of this Union stand upon the same foot. cutting one another's throats. This is my apprehension. ing with foreign nations in this respect. But, by the law Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, of nations, wo are equally bound, before proceeding to great as they are, like wise and sensible men, and consiiier violent measures, to set forth our grievances before the them in the light of all the consequences which may attend offending Government, to give them an opportunity to reour action. Let us see first clearly where the path of duty dress the wrong. Ilas our State yet done this? I think not. leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein.

Suppose it was Great Britain that had violated some I cume now to the main question put to me, and on which compact of agreement with the General Government, what my counsel has been asked. That is, what the present would be first done? In that case our Minister would be Legislature should do in view of the dangers that threaten directed, in the first instance, to bring the matter to the us, and the wrongs that hare been done us by several of attention of that Government, or a Commissioner be sent to our confederate States in the Union, by the acts of their that country to open negotiations with her, ask for redress, legislatures nullifying the fugitive glave law, and in direct and it would only be when argument and reason had heen disregard of their constitutional obligations. What I shall exhausted, that we should take the last resort of nations. say will not be in the spirit of dictation; it will be simply That would be the course toward a foreign government, and my own judgment for what it is worth. It proceeds from toward a member of this Confederacy I would recommend a strong confiction that according to it our rights, interests the same course. and hooor-our present safety and future security--can be Let us, therefore, not act hastily in this matter. Let maintained without yet looking to the last resort, the your Committee on the State of the Republic make out a +ulima ratio rerum.” That should not be looked to util bill of grievances; let it be sont by the Governor to those all elre fails. That may come. On this point I am hopeful, faithless States, and if reason and argument shall be tried but not sanguine. But let us use every patriotic effort to in vain-all shall fail to in luce them to return to their conprereat it while there is ground for hope.

stitutional obligations- I would be for retaliatory measures, If any view that I may present in your judgment be in such as the Governor has suggested to you. This mode of consistent with the best interests of Georgia, I ask you, as resistance in the Union is in our power. It might be effect. patriots, not to regard it. After hearing me and others ual, and, if in the last resort, we would be justified in the whom you have advised with, act in the premises according eyes of nations, not only in separating from them, but by to your own conviction of duty as patriots. I speak now using force. particularly to the members of the legislature present. (Soine one said the argument was already exhausted.] There are, as I have said, great dangera ahead. Great dan- Mr. STEPHENS continued. Some friend says that the nr. gers may come from the election I have spoken of. If the gument is already exhausted. No, my friend, it is not. You pley of Mr. Lincoln anul his Republican associates shall be have never called the attention of the Legislatures of those carried out, or attempted to be carried out, no man in States to this subject that I am aware of. Nothing has ever Gspa will be more willing or ready than myself to defend beon done before this year. The attention of our own our rights, interests and honor, at overy hazard and to the people has been called to this subject lately. lest extremity.

Now, then, my recommendation to you would be this: What is this policy? It is, in the first place, to exclude In view of all these questions of dificuliy, let a convention

, by an act of Congress, from the Territories with our of the people of Georgir be called, to which they may be share property. He is for using the power of the General all referreri

. Let the sovereignty of the poople speak. Gorerament against the extension of our institutions. Our some think that the election of Mr. Lincoln is cause suffipositi ta on this point is, and ouzht to be, at all hazarda, for cient to dissolve the Union. Some think those other griev. perfect equality between all the States, and the citizens of ances are sufficient to dissolve the same, and that the Leall the states in the Territories, under the Constitution of gislature has tho power thus to act, and ought thus to act. the United States. If Congress should exercise its power I have no hesitancy in saying that the Legislature is not the proper body to sever our Federal relations, if that necessity My honorable friend said last night: “ I ask you to give should arise. An honorable and distinguished gentleman, me the sword, for if you do not give it to me, as God lives, the other night (Mr. T. R. R. Cobb), adveed you to take this I will take it myself" course--not to wait to hear from the cross-roads and Mr. TOOMBS. I will. groceries. I say to you, you have no power so to act. You Mr. STEPHENS. I have no doubt that my honorable must refer this question to the people, and you must wait friend feels as he says. It is only his excessive ardor that to hear from the men at the crins-icads and even the makes him use such an expression; but this will pass groceries; for the people in this country. whether at the off with the excitement of the hour. When the people in cross-roads or the groceries, whether in cottages or palaces, their majesty shall speak, I have no doubt thai he will are all equal, and they are the sovereigns in this country. bow to their will, whatever it may be, upon the “ sober Sovereignty is not in the Legislature. We, the people, are second thought.' the sovereigng. I am one of them and have a right to be Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union--I heard, and so has any other citizen of the State. You, speak for one, though my views might not agree with legislators--I speak it respectfully--are but our servants.

them- whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the You are the servants of the people, and not their masters. will of her people. Their cause is my cause, and their Power resides with the people in this country.

destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultiThe great difference between our country and all others, mate course of all. The greatest curse that can befalli such as France and England and Ireland, is, that here there free people is civil war. is popular sovereignty while there sovereignty is exercised

But, as I said, let us call a convention of the people ; by kings and fuvored classes. This principle of popular let all these matters be submitted to it, and when the will sovereignty, however much derided lately, is the founda

of a majority of the people has thus been expressed, the tion of our institutions. Constitutions are but the channels

whole State will present one unanimous voice in favor of through which the popular will may be expressed. Our

whatever may be demanded; for I believe in the power Constitution came from the people. They made it, and of the people to govern themselves, when wisdom prevails they alone can rightfully unmake it.

and passion is silent. Mr. Toomps. I am afraid of conventions. Mr. STEPHENS. I am not afraid of any convention legally advancement in all that eunobles man. There is nothing

Look at what has already been done by them for their chosen by the people. I know no way to decide great like it in the history of the world. Look abroad from one questions affecting fundamental laws except by representan extent of the country to the other-contemplate our greattives of the people. The Constitntion of the United States

ness. We are now among the first nations of the earth. was made by the representatives of the people. The Constitution of the State of Georgia was made by representa principles of self-government, are a failure ?

Shall it be said, then, that our institutions, founded upon tives of the people chosen at the ballot-box. But do not let the question which comes before the people be put to

Thus far it is a poble example, worthy of imitation,

The gentleman, Mr. Cobb, the other night said it had them in the language of my honorable friend who addressed

proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look you last night: Will you submit to abolition rule or

at our expanse in national power. Look at our pornlation resist? Mr. Toombs. I do not wish the people to be cheated.

and increase in all that makes a people great. A failure ? Mr. STEPHENS. Now, my friends, how are we going to

Why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and cheat the people by calling on them to elect delegates to a

present the brightest hopes of mankind. convention to decide all these questions without any dicta

Some of our public men have failed in their aspiratione;

that is true, and from that comes a great part of our tion or direction? Who proposes to cheat the people by

troubles, letting them speak their own antrammelled views in the choice of their ablest and best men, to determine upon all

No, there is no failure of this Government yet. We these matters involving their pence?

have made great advancement under the Constitution, I think the proposition of my honorable friend had a con

and I cannot but hope that we shall advance higher still.

Let us be true to our cause. siderable smack of unfairness, not to say cheat. He wished to have no convention, but for the Legislature to submit

Now, when this convention assembles, if it shall be their vote to the people-submission to abolition rule or

called, as I hope it may, I would say in my judgment, resistance ? Now who, in Georgia, would vote "submis- without dictation, for I am conferring withi yon freely sion to abolition rule?”

and frankly, and it is thus that I give my views, I should Is putting such a question to the people to vote op a fair take into consideration all those questions which distract way of getting an expression of the popular will on all

the public mind; should view all the grounds of secession these questions? I think not. Now, who in Georgia is

so far as the election of Mr. Lincoln is concerned, and I going to submit to abolition rule?

have no doubt they would say that the constitutional Mr. ToomBS. The convention will.

election of no man is a sufficient cause to break up the Mr. STEPHENS. No, my friend, Goorgia will never do it. Vuion, but that the State should wait until he at least The convention will never secede from the Georgia Plat- does some unconstitutional act. form. Under that there can be no abolition rule in the

Mr. TOOMBS. Commit some overt act. General Government. I am not afraid to trust the people is a sort of technical term counected with treason, which

Mr. STEPHENS. No, I did not say that. The word overt in convention upon th and al

questions. Besides, the Legislature were not elected for such a purpose. They has come to us from the mother country, and it means an came here to do their duty as legislators. They have sworn Open act of rebellion. I do not see how Mr. Lincoln can to support the Constitution of the United States. They did do this unless he should levy war upon us.

I do not, not come here to disrupt this Government. I am therefore therefore, use the word overt. I do not intend to wait for for submitting all these questions to a convention of the

that. But I use the words unconstitutional act, which people. Submit the question to the people, whether they our people understand much better, and which expresses would submit to an abolition rule or resist, and then let the just what I mean. But as long as be conforms to the Legislature act upon that vote? Such a course wvuld be Constitution, he should be left to exercise the duties of his an insult to the people. They would have to eat their office. platform, ignore their past history, blot out their records, To giving this advice I am bnt sustaining the Constituand take steps backward, if they should do this. I have tion of my country, and I do not thereby become a Livcolo never cated my record or words, and never will.

aid man either but a Constitutional aid man. But this But how will it be under this arrangement if they should matter the Convention can determine. vote to resist, and the Legislature should reassemble with As to the other matter, I think we have a right to pass this vote as their instruction ? Can any man tell what retaliatory measures, provided they be in accordance with sort of resistance will be meant? One man would say the Constitution of the United States, and I think they can Recede; another pass retaliatory measures; these are be made such. But whether it would be wise for this measures of resistance against wrong-legitimate and Legislature to do this now is the question. To the Conright-and there would be as many different ideas as there vention, in my judgment, this matter ought to be referred. are members on this floor. Resistance don't mean seces- Before we coin mit reprisals on New England we should sion—that, in no proper sense of the term, is resistance. exhaust every means of bringing about a peaceful solution Believing that the times reqnire action, I am for present of the question. ing the question fairly to the people, for calling together Thus did General Jackson in the case of the French. an uutrammelled convention, and presenting all the ques. He did not recommend reprisals until he had treated with tivne to them whether they will go out of the Union, or France, and got her to promise to make indemnification, what course of resistance in the Union they may think and it was only on her refusal to pay the mouey which best, and then let the Legislature act, when the people in she had promised that he recommended reprisals. It was their majesty are heard; and I tell you now, whatever after negotiation had failed. I do think, therefore, that that Convention does, I hope and trust our people will it would be best, before going to extreme measures with abide by I advise the calling of a convention with the our Confederate States, to make a presentation of our de earnest desire to preserve the peace and harmony of the mands, to appeal to their reason and judgment to give us State. I should dislike, above all things, to see violent our rights. Then, if reason should not triumph, it will measures adopted, or a disposition to take the sword in be time enough to commit reprisals, and we should be band, by individuals, without the authority of law, justided in the eyes of a civilized world. At least, let the States know what your grievances are, and if they SUICIDAL ACT BY THE PRESENT GEZERATION, AND PROBABLY refuse, as I said, to give us our rights under the Constitu- CURSED AND EXECRATED BY POSTERITY FOR ALL COMING tion of our country, I should be willing, as a last resort, TIME, for the wide and desolating ruin that will iuevi. to rerer the ties of this Union.

tably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate ? My own opinion is, that if this course be pursued, and Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what they are informed of the consequences of refusal, these reasons you can give that will even satisfy yourselves in States will secede ; but if they should not, then let the calmer moments--what reasons you cau give to your cou sequences be with them, and let the responsibility of fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upou the conséquences rest upon them. Another thing I would


WHAT REASONS CAN YOU GIVE TO THE NATIONS OF bave tbat Convention to do. Reathrm the Georgia plat- THE EARTH TO JUSTIFY IT? They will be the calm and form with an additional plauk in it. Let that plauk be the deliberate judges in the case ; aud what cause or oue falfilment of the obligation on the part of those States to overt act can you name or point, on which to rest the repeal these obnoxious laws as a condition of our remain- plea of justification? Whar RIGHT HAS THE NORTH ing in the Union. Give them time to cousider it, and I ARSAILED? What interest of the South has been invaded? Fould ask all States South to do the same thing.

What justice has been denied ? and what claim founded I am for exhausting all that patriotism can demand be in justice and right has been withheld ? Can either of fore taking the last step. I would invite, therefore, South you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliberCarolina to a conference. I would ask the same of all the ately and purposely done by the government of Washother Southern States, so that if the evil has got beyond ington, of which the South has a right to complain? I our control, which God, in his mercy, grant may pot be challenge the answer. While, on the other hand, let me the case let us pot be divided among ourselves, but, if show the facts (aud believe me, gentlemen, I am not here possible, secure the united co-operation of all the Southern the advocate of the North; but I am here the friend, the States; and then, in the face of the civilized world, we firm friend, and lover of the South and her institutions, may justify our action ; and, with the wrong all on the and for this reason I speak thus plaivly, and faithfully other side, we can appeal to the God of battles to aid us for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the in our cause. But let us not do any thing in which any words of truth and soberuess), of which I wish you to portion of our people may charge is with rash or hasty indge, and I will only state facts which are clear and action. It is certainly a matter of great importance to undeniable, and which now stand as records authentic in tear this Government asunder, You were not went here the history of our country.

When we of the South for that purpose. I would wish the whole South to be demanded the slave-trade, or the importation of Africains united if this is to be done; and I believe if we pursue for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the the policy which I have indicated, this can be effected. right for twenty years ? When we asked a three-fifths

la this way our sister Southern States can be induced representation in Congress for our slaves, Win it not to act with us, and I have but little dogbt that the States granted ? When we asked and demanded the return of of New York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the other any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons Western States, will compel their Legislatures to recede owing labor or allegiance, was it not iocorporated in the frut their hostile attitudes if the others do not. Then Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the with these we would go on without New England if sbe Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do y su reply that ir cbore to stay out.

many instances they have violated this compact, and (A Foice in the assembly. "We will kick them ont."). have not been faithful to their engagements? As indi

Mr. STEPHENS. I would not kick them out. But if vidual and local communities, they may have done so; they chose to stay out, they might. I think, moreover, but not by the sanction of Government; for that has that tbe a Northern States, being principally engaged in always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemanufactures, would find that they had as much interest men, look at another act: when we have asked that more in the Caion ander the Constitution as we, and that they territory shonld be added, that we might spread the poold seturu to their constitutional duty-this would be institution of slavery, have they not yielded to our my hope. If they should not, and if the Middle States demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out and Western Siates do not join us, we should at least have of which four States have been carved, and ample an undivided South I am, as you clearly perceive, for territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by maintaining the Union as it is, if possible. I will exhaust this unwise and in politic act do pot destroy this hope, every meaas thus to maintain it with an equality in it. and, perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slavo My principles are these:

wrenched from yon by stern military rule, as South First, the maintenance of the honor, the rights, the America and Mexico were; or by the vindictive decree of equality, the security, and the glory of my native State a universal emancipation, which may reasonably be in the Union; but if these cannot be maintained in the expected to follow ? Vaioa, then I am for their maintenance, at all hazards, out But, a gain, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this of it, Vext to the honor and glory of Georgia, the land proposed change of our relation to the General Governof my birth, I hold the honor and glory of our common ment? We have always had the control of it, and can country. la Savannah I was made to say, by the report yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have er who very often make me say things which I never been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen did say-that I was first for the glory of the whole coun- from the South ; as well as the control and management try, and next for that of Georgia.

of most of those chosen from the North, We have had I said the exact reverse of this. I am proud of her his sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, tory, of her present standing. I am proud even of her this controlling the Executive departinent. So of the Dotte, which I would have duly respected at the present Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from time by all her sons-Wisdom, 'Justice, and Moderation. the South, and bat eleven from the North; although I would have her rights and that of the Southern States nearly four.fifths of the judicial business has arimen in maintained nov upon these principles. Her position now the Free States, yet a majority of the Court has i'ways I just what it was in 18.50, with respect to the Southern been from the South. This we have required so as to fi2tes. Her platform then has been adopted by most, if guard against any interpretation of the Constitution Dat all, the other southern States. Now I would add but unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally obe additional plank to that platform, which I have stated, watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch Bad one which time has shown to be necessary.

of Government. In choosing the presiding Presidents If all this fails, we shall at least have the satisfaction pro tem.) of the Senate, we have had twenty-four to their of koowing that we have done our duty and all that pa- eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twentytriotism could require.

three, and they twelve. While the majority of the From Mr. STEPHENS's speech in the State always been from the North, yet we have so generally

Representatives, from their greater population, have Convention of Georgia :

secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country.

Nor have we This step (of secession) once taken, can never be recalled; had less control in erery other department of the General and all the baleful and withering consequences that must Government. Attorney-Generals we have had fourteen, flow, will rest on the convention for all coming time. while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South we have had eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While de slated by the demon of war, WHICH THIS ACT OF YOURS three-fourths of the business which demands diplomatic FILL INEVITABLY INVITE AND CALL PORTA: when our agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their green fields of waving harvext shall be trodden down by greater commercial interests, yet we have had the printhe murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping cipal embassies so as to secure the world-markets for our orer oor land; onr temples of justice laid in ashes; all cotton, tobacco, and sugar on the best possible terms. the borrors and desolations of war apon us; WHO BUT We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both Tas CONTENTIOX WILL BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR IT? army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and who bat him who shall have given his vote for this and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of arvise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers Alling the Executive believe, SHALL BB JELD TO STRICT ACCOUNT FOR THIS department, the records show for the last fifty years that

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