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other four would have remained as they then were sepa- | equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. rate, sovereign states, independent of any of the provisions The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving of the constitution. In fact, two of the states did not to free persons distinct political rights, by giving thera accede to the constitution until long after it had gone into the right to represent, and burthening them with direct operation among the other eleven; and during that interval taxes for three-tifths of their slaves; by authorizing the they each exercised the functions of an independent nation. importation of slaves for twenty years, and by stipulating
By this constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the for the rendition of fugitives from Jabor. several states, and the exercise of certain of their powers was
We attirm that these ends, for which this government restrained, which necessarily implied their continued ex- was instituted, have been defeated, and the government istence as sovereign states. But to remove all doubt, an itself has been made destructive of them by the action of amendment was added, which declared that the powers the non-slaveholding states. Those states have assumed not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states, institutions; and have denied the rights of property es. respectively, or to the people. On 230 May, 1788, South tablished in fifteen of the states and recognized by the Carolina, by a convention of her people, passed an ordi- constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institunance assenting to this constitution, and afterwards altered tion of slavery; they have permitted the open establishher own constitution, to conform herself to the obligations ment among them of societies, whoso avowed object is to she had undertaken.
disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citi. Thus was established, by compact between the states. zens of other states. They have encouraged and assisted a government, with defined objects and powers, limited thousands of our slaves to leave their homes, and those to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the who remain have heen incited by emissaries, books and wholo remaining mass of power subject to the chose re- pictures to servile insurrection. serving it to tho states or to the people, and rendered un- For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily necessary any specification of reserved rights.
increasing, until it has now se ured to its nid the power We hold that the government thus established is subject of the common government. Observing the forms of the to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of constitation, a sectional party has found within that arIndependence; and we bold further, that the mode of its ticle establishing the executive department the means of formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, subverting the coustitution itself. A geographical line namely: the law of compact. We maintain that in every has been drawn across the Union, and all the state compact between two or more parties the obligation is north of that line have united in the election of a man to mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties the high office of President of the United States, whose to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely re- opinions aud purposes are hostilu to sluvery. He is to be leases the obligations of the other; and that where no entrusted with the alministration of the common gov arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own ernment, because he has declared that that “govern. judgment to determine the luct of failure, with all its con- ment cannot endure permanently half slave, hali free, sequences.
and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slu. In the present case, the fact is established with certainty. very is in tho course of ultimate extinction. We assert that fourteen of the states have deliberately This sectional combination for the subversion of the refused for years past, to fulfil their constitutional obliga constitution, has been aided in some of the states by ele. tions, and we refer to their own statutes for the proof. vating to citizenship, persons, who, by the supreme law of
The constitution of the United States, in its 4th article, the lanı, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their provides as follows:
votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile * No person held to service or labor, in one state, under to the South, and destructive of its peace and sifety. the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conce
On the 4th of March next this party will take posses. quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged sion of the government. It has announced that the South from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on shall be excluded from the common territory; that the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war due."
must be waged against slavery until it shall cease through This stipulation was so material to the compact, that out the United States. without it that compact would not have been made. Tho The guaranties of the constitution will then no longer greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and exist; the equal rights of the states will be lost. The they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of slavehulding states will no longer have the power of such asiipulation liy making it a condition in the ordinance self-government, or self-protection, and the federal govfor the goverument of the territory ceded by Virginia, ernment will have become their enemy. which now composes the states north of the Ohio river. Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irrita
The same article of the constitution sti julatus also for tion, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact the rendition, by tho several stutes, ut fugitives from jus- that public opinion at the North has invested a great potice from the other states.
litical error with the sanctions of a more erroneous reliThe general government, as the common agent, passed gious belief. laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the states. We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our deFor many years these laws were executed. But an in- legates, in convention assembled, appealing to tho Sucreasing hostility on tho part of the non-slaveholling states preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentu the institution of slavery has led to a disregard of their tions, havo solemnly declared that the union heretofore obligativus, and the laws of the general government have existing between this state and the other states of North ceased to effect the objects of the constitution. The States America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Con- has resumed her position among the nations of the world, necticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, as a separate and independent state, with full power to Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and lowa bavo enacted levy wir, conclude peace, contract ulliances, establish laws which either nullify the acts of Congress or render cominerce, and do all other acts and things which indeuseless any attempt to execute them. hu inany of these pendent states may of right do. states the fugitive is discharged from the service or labor claimed, and in nono of them has the state government discloses some interesting facts, and is sub
The debate on the adoption of these papers The State of New Jersey, it an early day, passed a law in joined. conformity with her constitutional obligation; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led laore norme recently read, Mr. Furman and Mr. Inglis raised ques
Upon Mr. Memminger's declaration being vided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the tions as to the accuracy of certain statements, State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has the former as to whether New Jersey had, as been deped by her tribunals; and tho Stutes of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged alleged, voted for a " sectional candidate," and with nuurder, and with inciting servilo insurrection in the the latter as to the allegation that Pennsylvania State of Virginia., Thus tho constitutional compact has had on her statute-book a " personal liberty been deliberately 'broken and disregarded by ihe nonslaveholding states, and the consequence follows that South
law." Carolina is released from her obligation.
Mr. IngLis said: They (Pennsylvania) have what The ends for which tlfis constitution was framed are they call a law to prevent kidnapping, nearly similar declared by itself to be " to form a more perfect union, to the law of Virginia, which law, owing to the conestablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for dition of public sentiment in Pennsylvanid, has the conimon defence, promoto the general welfare, and we donbt been perverted to this purpose. A document curg the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our pose of this kind, and proceeding from a body like this, terity.”
ought to be exactly accurate in its statements. These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a federal should like to ask the Chairman of the Committee government, in which each state was recognized as an if he has satisfied himself with regard to the fact that
there is any such law as this on the statute-book of tain that this state did triumph then. Mr. Clay said Pennsylvania? If he has, why then I am satisfied. before the nullification, that the tariff system had
Mr. MEDMINGER. In reply to the gentleman I been established for all time. After the nullitication Fould say that I hold in my hand an elaborate report ordinance Mr. Clay said that that ordinance abol mide on this point by a Committee of the Legisla- ished the American system, and that the State had ture of Virginia in which the laws of each State are triumphed. It is true that we were cheated in the professe 1 to be correctly stated.
compromise. The tariffo is not the question whinh has Mr. ISOLIS. Will the gentleman give me the date lorought us up in mir present attitude. We are giving a of that report?
list of the causes to the worki-to the Southern Mr. MEMMINGR. It was made at the last session, States. Let them not quarrel with us now, when we January 26th, 1860.
are brought up to a dissolution of the Union, by the Mr. Inulis. To what law do they refer? for Penn- ' discussion of debatable and doctrinal points. The sylvania has recently revised her criminal code, and, Whig party, throughout all the States, have been proI understand, has omitted some portion of that law. tective tariif men, and they cling to that old issue
Mr. MEMMINGER. This is all the information I with all the passion incident to the pride of human here on the subject. It confirms what is stated in opinions. Are we to go off now, when other South. the report.
ern States are bringing their people up to the true Mr. ExGLISA read from De Bow's Review an article mark-are we to go off on debatable and doctrinal fa very erroneous one) in support of the assertion points? Are we to go back to the consideration of contained in the Declaration, that nearly all the Free this question, of this great controversy ; go back to States had refused to sustain the Constitution. that party's politics around which so many passions Mr. MAXCY GREGA.
The gentleman who just cluster? Names, sir, are much. Opinions, prejuresumed his seat, has pointed out in detail the various
diced passions, cluster around names. Our people questions referred to in this report. He has shown have come up to this great act. I am willing in inis that things have been said there which ought not to
issue to rest disunion upon the question of slavery. It is the to have been said, and of the correctness of which great central point from which we are now proceeding. I we have not sufficient evidence. But my objection to believe, sir, that the reference to other states in this the paper is greater than this. It is that, as a state address is all correct. The gentleman from Chester. paper, to go out as a new Declaration of Independ- field says that a certain construction of one act of ence, it is entirely defective and imperfect. It pur- the Pennsylvania code is denied by the citizens of that ports to be a declaration of the causes which justify State. I myself have very greut dmits about the propriety the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal of the fugitive slave law. The Constitution was, in the Union. The causes! And yet in all this declaration first place, a compact between the several States, and not one word is said about the tariff, which for so
in the second a treaty between the sections; and, I many years caused a contest in this state against the
believe the fugitive slave law was a treaty between Federal Government. Not one word is said about sections. It was the act of sovereign States as secthe violations of the Constitution in expenditures tions; and I believe, therefore, and have very great not authorized by that instrument; but the main
doubts whether it ought not to have been left to the stress is laid upon an incomparably unimportant point execution of the several states, and, failing of enrelative to fugitive slaves, and the laws passed forcement, I believe it should have been regarded as by Northern States obstructing the recovery of fugi- a cosus belli. I go for the address because I believe it tive slaves. Mr. President, if we undertake to set does present succinctly and conspicuously what are forth a declaration of the causes which justi
the main primary causes. Secession, we ought to publish a complete document
Mr. GREGG. If this address was to be a declaration - document which might vie in its completeness of the immediate causes which produced the secession with that which was adopted in 1776 - not that I mean of South Carolina, what the gentleman had said might to say that that is a model cause! that would be to be applicable, but its title does not say so. Another say a good deal too much. This declaration might document has been submitted to this body-an Adbe put forth by gentlemen who had no objection what dress to the Southern States. This is inconsistent ever to the lavish and unconstitutional expenditures with the other. In the latter, address all the causes which have been made by the Federal Government
are stated in full. If we wish to fin i the immediate for forty years past. This is not the sort of paper
cause of the secession of South Carolina, the immediate which, in my opinion, ought to go forth to justify cause of all is the election of Lincoln. olir action. A correct designation of this paper
Mr. INGLIS. Will the gentleman inform us whether vould be a declaration of some of the causes which the statutes of Virginia do not contain a paragraph justify the secession of South Carolina from the relating to kidnapping, precisely similar to that of Federal Union. If it is proper to get forth in a solemn Pennsylvania? declaration some of the causes, why let the title be
A VOICE. It is the case with Georgia. altered, and, if the Convention think propei, let it
Mr. Keitt. It may be so, sir, but I do not know. go forth; but if we undertake to set forth all the Mr. INGLIS. I say, Mr. President, I make no attack eines, do we not dishonor the memory of all the upon this report ; but I propose to amend it by strikstatesmen of South Carolina, now departed, who
ing out the word “fifteen” and inserting "many" incommenced forty years ago a war agunt the triff
stead; and then to strike out the sentence which coule and nonst internal improrements, saying nothing of the tains the enumeration of States. It will not disturb D'ausirs Bank and other measures which may now
the order to omit that. be regarded ag obsolete. Many of the acts of the
Mr. DARGAN. I confess my difficulty results from nos-slaveholding States obstructing the recovery of the same sources as the gentleman from Richland fugitise slaves have been passed since 1852—I think Let me express also my earnest conviction of tho the majority of them; but I do not regard it as a matter eminent propriety of obtaining a concurrence and of a virtance. But when the people of South
symmetry in the declaration of the causes which led Carolina, eight years since, declared that the causes to the secession of South Carolina, and in the sentia then existing fully justified the State in seceding, did
mento enunciated in the Address to the Southern they confine themselves to these miserable fugitive
States; and as the Address to the Southern States, slave lass? No! Sir, I regard it as unworthy of the
which was read here to-day, was made the special State of South Carolina to send forth a new declaras order for to-morrow, I move that this document be tion pow. and in it to say nothing about any other also made the special order at the same time and in case justifying their action but fugitive slaves. i connection with that subject. an ia favor of laying this report on the table, or re
Mr. MIDDLETON. They are very different matters eommitting it.
-the one an address to the Southern people and the Nr. KEITT. I agree with the gentleman that the other an address to the world. power of taxation is the central power of all Gov
Mr. DARGAN. The subject-matter is the same. eranents. If you put that into my hands, I do not
The PRESIDENT. The question will be on making Gre what the form of Government may be, I will the report of the Committee declaring Secession the control your people through it. But that is not the special order for one o'clock to-morrow, in connection question in this address. We have instructed the with the report of the Committee on slaveholding Committee to draw up a statement of the reasons
States upon the same subject. which induenced us in the present case in our with
The question was taken and the motion was agreed drawal. My friend suggests that sufficient notice has not to. beza paid to the tariff. Your late Senators, and every one of Yambers of the House of Representatives roted for
On Monday, December 24th, 1860, the als, hare eated for it. (Laughter.] The question of Address and the Declaration, when further
prezrat tariff f the gentleman had been there he would Convention proceeded to consider both the State against the Federal Government. And I'main- debate ensued.
Many verbal amendments having been onlv one. The back was nearly broken before.
The made to the latter,
point upon which I differ from my friend is this : He
says he thought it expedient for us to put this great Mr. J. J. P. Smith moved to adopt the question before all the world upon this simple matter former for the present, and table the latter. of wrongs on the question of slavery, and that ques
A DELEGATE. I second the motion, and call for the garil to the fugitive slave law, I myself doubt its constiprevious question.
sutionality, and I doubted it on the floor of the Senate, Mr. Louis WARD LAW. I trust that this Convention when I was a memher of that body. The States, is not going to act hastily. Whatever is done should acting in their sovereign capacity, should be responbe done well. This address will reach no one of the sible for the renditio « fugitive slaves.
That was Southern States before the elections, unless it be the our best security. This report has proceeded upon State of Georgia. There is, therefore, no special the elaborate discussion of a constitutional question, need of hurrying the reference. There is not one
about which the very ablegt men in this State have single sentence of that address to which I do not doubted. When we go before the world, if we put it heartily subscribe. It is an able and admirable expo- upon mere matter of this kind, we do not do justice sition of the structure of our Government and its to our cause. Sir, to whom are we to speak? Is it general operation. And yet I do not think it is ex- simply to the North? We are about to sunder our actly that which an address to our Southern sisters relations with that section, and I trust forever. Our should be. I think it treats too much upon some sub- treaties, I suppose, will be with the nations of Eu. jects, and does not touch others that are very im- rope. Do you suppose the nations of Europe will portant. From the beginning I have been very
have any sympathy with us, or confidence, or affecanxious that these two papers should be consistent tion, because of the violation of the fugitive slave one with the other, and contain all those matters law ? Germany, and France, and England, what do which we confess should operate either upon the they all say? Sir, in setting up our independence we opinion of the Southern people or the opinion of the are not to narrow it down simply to the question of world. Now, sir, my objection to the address to the slavery: We do not do ourselves justice. The Southern people is that it does not dilate as it should aggression upon slavery is the last consequence of upon matters connected with the immediate cause of a great cause, and that great cause is the dissolution our secession, but on matters connected with slavery. of the Constitution of the United States by the agents My objection to the other address is, that it dwells of the North. It is that which led them to the age too much upon those fugitive slave laws and those gressions upon the taxing power. It is that which personal liberty bills, which give it too much the appear- led to the aggressions upon the appropriation power. ance of special pleading. The addregg which we have it is that which led to the aggressions on slavery in under consideration does not get off to the Southern the District of Columbia. And now the great cause people, as it should, our defenceless condition. Al is, that we do not live in a free Government. ready our adversaries have the House of Representa
Mr. MEMMINGER. The gentleman who has just tives; they will soon have the Senate, and then they taken his seat is not as familiar with this document can make the Judiciary what they please, and thug as I am, or he would have been saved the necessity have entire power over the Government. It does not of a good deal he has said. I entirely concur in the set forth, as I think it should, that the election of opinion that the Constitution of the United States Lincoln is, in fact, an edict of emancipation. It does requires the rendition of slaves by the States and not not set forth what would be the deleterious effects of by the General Government; and if any one will read emancipation; that emancipation would be destruc- this report he will perceive that that is precisely the tion to the blacks and degradation to the whites. ground upon which it proceeds. We there complain Nor does this address set forth the shameless hypo- that the States have not fulfilled their constitutional crisy of the North, who, whilst they cry out against obiigations-not that the Federal Government has what they call the sin of slavery, do not choose to not done its duty. We there complain that when relieve themselves of that which they assert is an the Federal Government undertakes to do that which evil by withdrawing from the Confederacy. When
the States had obligated themselves to do, they interthese addresses go forth, they go forth as solemn fere to prevent its faithful execution. State papers, by which we must be able to stand. Judge WITHERs said: I have not much to say to this For this reason, every word should be bust carefully Convention, but the first thing which I desire to subconsidered, and nothing superfluous shonld be con
mit to them is this : that the addresses which are now tained in them ; nothing important should be omitted. upon your table, and which are the subject-matter of
Mr. MEMMINGER next took the floor and defended a motion for further reference to the two committees the address to the nations of the world, which was reporting them, are, in my understanding, diplomatic reported by himself. After reciting its points and papers. I profess not to be much of a diplomat mythe principles it enunciated, he said: We show by self, yet I profess to have a desire that this Convenlaw of compact that we are entitled to leave this tion shall contine itself to the object which it preGovernment. My friend from Abbeville gars, in this scribes to itself. regard, he does not exactly approve this document. What is the object of the Address to the Southern Allow me to say to the honorable gentlemen that people? Is it not to conciliate the Southern States when you take the position that you have a right to towards the purposes of a Southern Confederacy; break your faith, to destroy an agreement which you and, as far as we can, to persuade them to enter into have made, to tear off your seal from the document a compact with South Carolina ? Is that the object to which it is affixed, you are bound to justify your of the Address to the Slaveholling States? If not, self fully to all the nations of the world; for there is why should it be issued ? nothing that casts such a stain upon the escutcheon It is said in the discussion that the Address to the of a nation as a breach of faith. Therefore the docu- Slaveholding States should descant upon the taxing ment shows fully that both in measure and in spirit power and the power to lay duties upon imports, as our co-States have broken the Constitution and the well as the expenditures of money in undue proporUnion. Not only in letter has this been done, but tion upon the part of the Federal Government among also in spirit. The common agent which should have the Free States, as matters of grievances of the acted for our common good has been converted into greatest importance ; that such topics ought to be an instrument for our destruction. And now as a found in this paper setting forth the causes of Seces. consummating act a section president has been sion. Well, in an ress to the People of the Slave. elected, whose chief recommendation was that he de- holding States is it expedient to dwell and insist sires to see slavery abolished. The great objection upon a topic which will not find favor with all the that we raise is not to Abraham Lincoln himself, but Southern States? I submit to the experience of the because he is the representative of a hostile opinion, able gentleman who prepared that address to say destructive of every interest of the South
whether, if we declared that we separated from the Mr. Rhett next spoke in explanation of the Ad- Confederacy because of the tariff of protection to dress to the Southern States, which was reported by domestic manufactures, he will find that, be it ever himself. This committee, he said, determined that. so true, a sentiment corresponding to public opinion whilst setting forth the immediate cause which in- in Louisiana, Missouri, or Kentucky? duced South Carolina to secede, it was not improper All this matter of the tariff has been enacted while to go into previous causes which led to that result. the Confederacy existed, and with South Carolina ag The secession of South Carolina is not an erent of a day. a party to the transaction, When it begun in 1816. It is not any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or who was it voted for a tariff' highly protective to by the non-erecution of the fugitive slave law. It has been domestic manufactures? Did not that great man a matter which has been gathering heas for thirty years. whom we all reverence, both living and dead-I mean The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the last Mr. Calhoun-vote for this measure? Did not the straw or the back of the camel. But it was not the Representative in the House from the Congressional
district including Richland vote for the tariff of 1816? Has a cause for which she separates from the United Stntos. tuere ever been a time when Louisiana, Missouri, and It was a matter, as long ago as 1013, of stipulation behentucky were not in favor of a protective tariff; not only tween Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and another colony, fit protection of domestic manufactures, but ior protection that they should deliver each other's fugitive slaves. It on the prolucts of sugar and hemp? Are you sure they was a matter between the colonies that each colony shonld will join you in saying they should dissolve the Union on deliver fugitives. As long ago as that period Congress olid acunt vithe existing tariff giving protection to domestic exercise this power, and we did acquiesce and never voted manufactures ? You believe, and so do I, that there has against it. been a perversion of the Constitution in relation to im- If I were to stand here and declare the various causes posts for the purpose of protection to domestic manufac- wbich led me to suiuscribe my name to the Act of Secession, tures. I kno's of no time, from the period of my entering I should insist on some other considerations besides those colome in 1933, that I did not believe it was it bold and suggested by this address. I would have said that when a during invasion of the Constitution of the Uniteul States. citizen of Maryland went to Pennsylvania to recover liis Cukoubtedly this is my opinion, undoubtedly this is the fugitive under an act of Congress they murdered him, and opinion of South Carolina. Then, if I had to draw these his murderer* escaped from justice in the court of Pennpapers, if I should present my views and opinions in a sylvania. Then was the time for Maryland to have decommon adulress to the Slaveholding States, I should sug- manded justice under the compact. It was then I would gest the propriety of leaving out all topics of that descrip- have stood up for the rights of that slaveholder. If I tion, when I believe that three of these States differ in chose further to afflict this Convention I could bring before Bedtiment with South Carolina. It appears to me, there them a long catalogue of grievances. I think it every furt, ke bare not exactly hit upon the matter which is the member of the Convention should draw up an indictment most espondient and proper in an Address to the People of against the perple of the unfaithful confeierate States, and the Sia choluing States. It is a diplomatic document. I you might have any number of addresses upon that subject, shall vote for it. But at the same time I do not think as a you would probably find no two very nearly alike. Since, diplomatic paper, that with respect to the levying of duties iherefore, overy one's taste and juilgment cannot be an cu imprints, it is likely to find favor with t/l our slavchulding swered, if there be no substantial objoction to the addresses friends for whom this tariff was designed as well as for the before us, as I think there is not, it is proper to vote for North.
them, and I shall do so. In rezard to expenditures by the Federal Govern
The papers were both adopted. ment of its income, we all know very well that the great balk has gone within the Northern States-that thero have A third report was made to the Convention ben, on the part of the Federal Government, favorite by Judge Withers froin the Committee on ReStatis. when we say that the grievances of Sonth Carolina are America, which should be included, to make
When we complain in the aggregate, or in general terms, lations with the Slaveholding States of North found in the fact that the Treasury has been depleted by the catalogue complete : illegal means, and in undue proportion administered to the Nurth, I question whether we are quite safe in alleging
The committee on “relations with the slaveholding that as a grievance of South Carolina, without qualifica- states of North America," beg leave to report that they twn. There has been an unfaithful execution of the Con
have carefully considered the three several propositions con. stitution on the part of its own general agent in that
tained in the resolutions referred to them, which were sub.
mitted in convention by three several members from St. respect. But let us not forget to confess the truth under
All the resolutions referreci to any and all circumstances. What have we ourselves bein Phillip's and St, Michael's. doin? And in the city of Charleston, too, where have
the committee look to the purpose of confederate relations
with our sister states of the South, having common interests pou bought your supplies, and with whom do you trade? Where has the great surplus of your money been necessa
with us, and every cause, as we trust, to indulgo towards rily peat? Whero has it gone to? Ilas it not gone to
tis common sympathies and to contract cordial relations. these people who have received the Federal money?
In such it purposetlio committee entirely and unanimously
Goy. erument and individuals have sought the same market.
concur, and they recomiend that every proper measure le Why? Because nobody clse could furnish the articles adopted to accomplish such an end. Upon this subject 29 each wapter. Can yon say, therefore, that the Federal
much unanimity prevails, and has long prevailed in this Gvernment is to be blamed for spending a large ansount states, that an argument thereupon would be wholly suof money in the non-slaveholding States ?
Where was the perfluous. All scem to agree that the first step proper to Federal Government obliged to get its necessary support confederation wo seck, is the appointment of commission
be taken for the purpose of promoting and securing the for the army and navy? Where could the Federal Governbeat fill up the ranks of its arıny and navy? Will you the south as may call conventions w consider and deter
ers, by the authority of this convention, to such states of bot allow the Government to buy of its own citizens, as we have all done? If by the cunning of these men in the
mine their future political relations. D'Dareholding States they have been able to present to
The comunittee adviso that such steps be taken by this the Guternment inducements to obtain their supplies, can
convention, hoping and believing that our sister states of se coruplain? Where else could they have beeu procured? initiative as arising, by no means, from any presumptnous
the South will correctly interpret our action in taking the So far, the Government has been obliged to spend its oney nong the people of the North and Northwest for
arrogance, but from the advance position which circumbox on, lari, and all the supplies of the army and navy. I
stances have given to this state in the line of procedure for sullimit there riews for the purpose of drawing the atten
the great design of maintaining the rights, the security tion of the Convention to the fact that we may go too far
and the very existence of the slaveholding South. in this document, and use assertions too strong,
It has been it subject of anxious consideration with In repect to the argument of the fugitive slave law, I
the committee whether the commissioners, whose appoint
mont they recommend, should be instructed to tender any cobrar tu lş. I heard something said hore questioning the Constitution:ility of the fugitivo slave law, as it is called.
basis of a temporary or provisional goverument to the This is a difficult question. In the case of Prigg and the
states to which they may be accredited.
The instrument called the constitution of the United Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, all the Judges of the lite states Court but iwo declared that Congress, and
States of America, has been suggested as a suitable and Congress alone, could provide legislation to execute the
proper basis to be offered for a provisional government. fourth article of the Constitutiou of the United States. by various considerations, which cannot now be set forth
The suggestion has been commended to the committee Immediately after that decision the astute Legislatures of in full or at large. Among these are : the Sex England States seized upon that decision and
That the said instrument was the work of minds of the passed their liberty laws, invoking the doctrine announced first order, in strength and accomplishment. in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of PennsylTania Could any man say that South Carolina should views and careful examinations of details.
That it was most carefully constructed by comprehensive beparate from the United States in consequence of the ConPess of the Cnited States passing such a law? A like
That experience has proved it to be a good form of gov. lax was passed in 1793. Did our people object to it then? patriotic to cause it to be fairly and honestly construed
ernment for those sufliciently virtuous, intelligent and I confess I hare a reverence for antiquity. I profess to bare a peneration of the men of 1793-Christopher Gads
and impartially administered. deu, Joha Kutledge, the Pinckneys, and others. I profess verse to that plan of government of confederated states, on
That the settled opinion of this state has nover been adto telieve that they were as patriotic as I profess to be. If account of anything in its structure; but the dissatisfaction f marle no objection at that time to the power of Congress is attributable to the false glosses, and dangerous misinterto as a fugitive elave law, under the fourth article of the Crastitution of the United States, I hold it would be unsufo pretation, and perversion of sundry of its provisions, even for the Convention of South Carolina to say that that is * In 1817.
to the extent, in one particular, of so covering up the real | ernment for such states, which proposed plan shall be purposes of certain legislation, (meant to protect domestic referred back to the several state conventions for their manufactures in one section), as to estop the supreme court adoption or rejection. in its opinion, from judicially perceiving the real design. Fourth. That eight deputies shall be elected by ballot
That it presents a complete scheme of confederation, ca- by this convention, who shall be authorized to meet in pable of being speedily put into operation; familiar by contention such deputies as may be appointed by the other long acquaintance with its provisions, and their true import slaveholding states who may secede from the Federal Union, to the people of the South, many of whom are believed to for the purpose of carrying into effect the foregoing resocherish a degree of veneration for it, and would feel safe lutious; and that it be recommended to the said states under it, when in their own hands, for interpretation and that each state be entitled to one vote in the said convenadministration, especially as the portions that have been, tion, upon all questions which may bo voted upon therein; by perversion, maile potent for mischief and oppression in and that each state send as many deputies as aro equal in the hands of adverse and inimical interests, have received number to the number of senators and representatives to & settled construction by the South. That a speedy con- which it was entitled in the Congress of the United States. federation by the South is desirable in the highest degree, which, it is supposed, must be temporary at first, (if ac
On the question of sending copies of the complished as soon as it should be), and no better basis Ordinance and the accompanying Declarathan the constitution of the United States is likely to be tion of Causes and the Address, to the Gov. Euggested or adopted for temporary purposes.
ernors of the slavehoiding States, there was That the opinions of those to whom it is designed to offer it, would be conciliated by the testimony the very act
a debate, in which Mr. Dargan urged the probeltish advantage, nor to indulge tho least spirit of dictation. States, which being objected to, itself would carry, that South Carolina meant to seek no priety of notifying the authorities of all the
That such form of government is more or less known to Europe, and, if adopted, would indicate abroad that the Mr. Dargan said: A statement of the reabeceding southern states had the foresigiit and energy to sons is required, as well as the Ordinance of put into operation fort! with, a scheme of government and Secession. Courtesy to our late Confederates, tion for internal necessities, and a sufficient protection of whether enemies or not, calls for the reasons foreigu commerce directed bither, as well as to guarantee that have actuated us. It is not true, in foreign powers in the confidence that a new confederacy point of fact, that all the Northern people are evils, internal and external, of a partial or total intor- hostile to the rights of the South. We have regnum.
a Spartan band in every Northern State. It is That its speedy adoption would work happily as a reviv. due to them they should know the reasons which the states adopting it, and between them as a united power influence us. According to our apprehensions and foreign commercial nations, and at the same time the necessity which exists for our immediate would conibine, without delay, a power touching purso and withdrawal from association with the Northsword, that might bring to a prudent issue the reflections of those who may perchance bu contemplating an invasion, ern States is that this hostile Abolition party or to an issue disastrous to them, the attemptod execution have the control of the Government, and there of such unholy design.
Such are some of the considerations, very rapidly stated, is no hope of redzess for our grievances. which address themselves to this subject. It is contended that sono limitation of the power to levy duties, and that Speech of Alexander H. Stephens, to regulate commerce, and perhaps other provisions of the said constitution), may be desirable, and are in fact so, to
November 14th, 1860. some of the committee, yet these modifications may be As against these allegations, we insert the Bately left to a period when the articles of a permanent speech of Hon. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS of Blitution referred to will serve the purpose of a temporary Georgia, before the Legislature of Georgia, confederation, which the committee unite in believing November 14th, 1860, and an extract from ought to be sought, through all proper measures, most his speech in the Convention of Georgia, of earnestly.
It is also submitted, that if the tender of the said con- January, 1861: stitution, even as a provisional government, should, in the Fellow-Citizens:-I appear before you to-night, at the opinion of the convention, be accoinpanied by a condition request of members of the Legislature and others, to that it be subject to specific limitations, expositions of speak of matters of the deepest interest that can possibly ambiguities, or modifications, the committee would re
conceru us all of an earthly character. There is nothingspectfully refer to the convention itself such matters; and this is done, not because the committee would not willing cerns a free peuple so intimately as that of the government
no question or subject connected with this life-that conly consider and report upon such subject, but because under which they live. We are now, indeed, surrounded they deemn it due to the convention and the public interest by evils. Never, since I entered upon tho public stage, that they should now lay before the convention the reso
has the country been so environed with difficulties and lutions, which the majority of the committee recommend dangers that threatened the public peace, and the very to the convention as fit to be adopted, viz:
existence of society, is low. I do not now appear before Resolved, First. That this conventiva do appoint a com
you at my own instance. It is not to gratify a deeire of missioner to proceed to each of the slaveholding states that my own that I am hore. Had I consulted my own ease may assemble in convention, for the purpose of laying and pleasure I should not be before you; but, believing our ordinance of secession before the saine, and respectfully that it is the duty of every good citizen to give his inviting their co-operation in the formation with us of a counsels and viows whenever the country is in danger, southern confederacy. Second. That our commissioners aforesaid, be further reasons, and thuso only, do I bespeak a calm, patient and
as to the best policy to be pursued, I am here. For theso authorized to submit, on our part, the federal constitution, attentive hearing. us the basis of a provisional government for such states as shall have withdrawn from their connection with the gove appeal to your passions, but to your reason. Good govern.
My object is not to stir up strife, but to allay it; not to erument of the United States of Anierica : Provided, That
ments can never be built up or sustained by the impuise of the said provisional government, and the tenures of all passion. I wish to address myself to your good sonso, to officers and appointments arising under it, shall cease and determine in two years from the 1st day of July next, or
your good judgment, and if, after hearing, you disagree, let
us agree to disagree, and part as we met, friends. We all when a permanent government shall have been organized. have the same object, the same interest. That people
Third. That the said commissioners be authorized to in should disagree, in republican governments, upon ques: vite the seceding states to meet in conveution, at such timo
tions of public policy, is natural. That men should and place as may be agreed upou, for the purpose of form disagree upon all matters connected with human investiing and putting in motion such provisional government, gation, whether relating to science or human conduct, is and so that the said provisional government shall bo orga- natural. llence, in free governments, parties will arise. nized anil go into effect at the earliest period previous to the 4th day of March, 1801, and that the same convention with liberality and charity, with no acrimony toward
But a free people should express their different opinious of seceded states shall proceed forth with to consider and those of their fellows when honestly and sincerely given. propose a constitution and plan for a permanent gove These are my feelings to-night.