MARTIAL LAW.

March 1, 1862-JEFFERSON DAVIS President, "by virtue of the power vested in him by law to declare the suspension of the privileges of the writ of Habeas Corpus in cities threatened with invasion," proclaimed that martial law was extended over Richmond and the adjoining country to the extent of ten miles. He prohibited all distillation of spirituous liquors, and directed that the distilleries be forthwith closed and the establishments for the sale thereof closed. Many Union men were arrested at once and imprisoned.

April 8, 1862, DAVIS issued a proclamation extending martial law over East Tennessee and suspending all civil jurisdiction and the writ of Habeas Corpus. Col. W. M. Churchwell was made provost marshal and was charged with the execution of the proclamation.

May 3, 1862, DAVIS issued a like proclamation with reference to the counties of Lee, Wise. Buchanan, McDowell, and Wyoming in Virginia, under the command of Brig. Gen. Humphrey Marshall.

August 14, 1861, DAVIS issued this

PROCLAMATION OF BANISHMENT: Whereas, the Congress of the Confederate States of America dil, by an act approved on the 8th day of August, 1861, entitled “An act respecting alien enemies," make provision that proclamation should be issued by the President in relation to alien enemies, and in conformity with the provisions

of said act:

Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, do issue this my proclamation: and I do hereby warn and require every male citizen of the United States, of the age of fourteen years and upwards, now within the Confederate States, and adhering to the Government of the United States, and acknowledging the authority of the same, and not being a citizen of the Confederate States, to depart from the Confederate States within forty days from the date of this proclamation. And I do warn all persons above described, who shall remain within the Confederate States after the expiration of said period of forty days, that they will be treated as alien enemies.

Provided, however, That this proclamation shall not be considered as applicable, during the existing war, to citizens of the United States residing within the Confederate States with intent to become citizens thereof, and who shall make declaration of such intention in due form, acknowledging the authority of this Government; nor shall this proclamation be considered as extending to the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, the District of Columbia, the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, who shall not be chargeable with actual hostility or other crime against the public safety, and who shall acknowledge the authority of the Government of the Confederate States.

And I do further proclaim and make known that I have established the rules and regulations hereto annexed in acearance with the provisions of said law.

KNOXVILLE, Tenn., April 23, 1862.

STRENGTH OF THE REBEL ARMY.

1864, Jan. 30.-In debating the bill to repeal the Substitute Exemption bill, Mr. Wm. N. H. Smith, of North Carolina, said, the "Confedcrates" had at this time four hundred thousand men on their muster roll "of whom probably one half were not there, and it was well known we were unable to feed the fractional part who were, in the field."

The Richmond Whig of Jan. 1, 1864, alluding to the passage of the above named bill, has these comments:

We wish at this time only to make some passing comments upon the tone manifested in Congress in the debates upon this measure. A Senator (Mr. Orr of S. C.,) among other objections to the passage of the bill gravely questioned its legality.

"If the pending bill becomes a law," said Mr. O., "there will be great difficulty in executing it, by reason of the decisions of the Courts in several of the States. We must ac quiesce in the decisions of the Courts, or resort to measures which he was not prepared for." A Senator from Missouri (Mr. Clark,) representing a constituency wholly beyond the action and control of our laws, replied, in urging its passage, that "in regard to the action of the Courts, steps may and should be taken to remove the subject beyond their jurisdiction." The Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Brown,) goes further: "We should not defer our legislation to consult the views of every State Judge-to ascertain whether he will overthrow it or not by his judicial decision. We have high duties to perform. Let us perform them without reference to State Judges. There was a remedy against the interference of the Courts, in the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus."

The vote of Congress upon this measure shows to what extent the provisions of the Constitution are getting to b disregarded in the Legistative branch, and how far revolu tionary sentiment already prevails in that body. The strength of the popular respect for our Government, and the good sense of the quiet masses, may for the moment allow such declarations to pass without disturbance. The little respect in which substitute men are held may influence a temporary acquiesence in them. But the intelligent and ardent lover of his country cannot witness such proceedings with indif ference, nor will he, with submission.

There is as much patriotism and intelligence out of the halls of Congress as in it, and the tendency of the legisla tive and executive declarations so far this session to a subversion of the liberties of the country and a military despotism is already sowing the seeds of a counter revolution. Our people claim it as their right, as the duty of the General Government to insure to them, as the basis of the compact by which they have associated together, that the Confederacy is but a community of sovereign" "States. They look to the Constitution as the supreme law of the Confederacy. They regard it as among the blessings for which they are indebted to their ancestry that they transmitted to us a written Con stitution. It received the plighted faith of our fathers. It is the hope of our posterity. To argue questions outside or above it is but to assail the cause of law, of right, and order.

of August, A. D. 1861.

By the President:

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

R.M. T. HUNTER, Secretary of State.

TO THE DISAFFECTED PEOPLE OF EAST TENNESSEE.

The undersigned, in executing martial law in this Departmont, assures those interested who have fled to the enemy's lics, and who are actually in their army, that he will welee their return to their homes and families; they are of fred annesty and protection if they come to lay down their arms and act as loyal citizens within the thirty days given the ra by Maj. Gen. E. KIRBY SMITH to do so.

At the end of that time, those failing to return to their homes and accept the amnesty thus offered, and provide for and protect their wives and children in East Tennessee, will have them sent to their care in Kentucky, or beyond the Confederate State lines, at their own expense.

All that leave after this date, with a knowledge of the above facts, will have their families sent immediately after the ri

gress.

The first session began July 4, 1861, and closed August 6, 1861. The second session began December 2, 1861, and closed July 17, 1862.

The third session began December 1, 1862, and closed March 4, 1863.

MEMBERS OF THE THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS,
MARCH 4, 1861, TO MARCH 4, 1863.
HANNIBAL HAMLIN, of Maine, President.
John W. Forney, of Pennsylvania, Secretary.
SENATORS.

MAINE-Lot M. Morrill, William P. Fessen

den.

NEW HAMPSHIRE - John P. Hale, Daniel

KANSAS-James H. Lane, Samuel C. Pomeroy.

REPRESENTATIVES.

GALUSHA A. GROW, of Pennsylvania, Speaker. Emerson Etheridge, of Tennessee, Clerk.

MAINE-John N. Goodwin, Charles W. Walton, Samuel C. Fessenden, Anson P. Morrill, John H. Rice, Frederick A. Pike.

NEW HAMPSHIRE-Gilman Marston, Edward H. Rollins, Thomas M. Edwards. VERMONT-E. P. Walton, Jr., Justin S. Morrill, Portus Baxter.

MASSACHUSETTS-Thomas D. Eliot, James Buffinton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Alexander H. Rice, William Appleton,* John B. Alley, Daniel W. Gooch, Charles R. Train, Goldsmith F. Bailey, Charles Delano, Henry L. Dawes. RHODE ISLAND-William P. Sheffield, George

H. Browne.

CONNECTICUT-Dwight Loomis, James E. Eng. lish, Alfred A. Burnham,* George C. Wood

ruff.

NEW YORK-Edward H. Smith, Moses F. Odell, Benjamin Wood, James E. Kerrigan, William Wall, Frederick A. Conkling, Elijah Ward, Isaac C. Delaplaine, Edward Haight, Charles H. Van Wyek, John B. Steele, Stephen Baker, Abraham B. Olin, Erastus Corning, James B. McKean, William A. Wheeler, Socrates N. Sherman, Chauncey Vibbard, Richard Franchot, Roscoe Conkling, R. Holland Duell, William

See memorandum at end of list.

E. Lansing, Ambrose W. Clark, Charles B. Sedgwick, Theodore M. Pomeroy, Jacob P. Chamberlain, Alexander S. Diven, Robert B. Van Valkenburgh, Alfred Ely, Augustus Frank, Burt Van Horn, Elbridge G. Spaulding, Reuben E. Fenton.

NEW JERSEY-John T. Nixon, John L. N. Stratton, William G. Steele, George T. Cobb, Nehemiah Perry.

PENNSYLVANIA-William E. Lehman, Charles J. Biddle,* John P. Verree, William D. Kelley, William Morris Davis, John Hickman, Thomas B. Cooper, Sydenham E. Ancona, Thaddeus Stevens, John W. Killinger, James H. Campbell, Hendrick B. Wright, Philip Johnson, Galusha A Grow, James T. Hale, Joseph Baily, Edward McPherson, Samuel S. Blair, John Covode. Jesse Lazear, James K. Moorhead, Robert McKnight, John W. Wallace, John Patton, Elijah Babbitt.

DELAWARE-George P. Fisher.

MARYLAND-John W Crisfield, Edwin H. Webster, Cornelius L. L. Leary, Henry May, Fran is Thomas, Charles B. Calvert.

VIRGINIA-Charles H. Upton, William G. Brown, John S. Carlile Kellian V. Whaley, Joseph Segar.*

OHIO-George H. Pendleton, John A. Gurley, Clement L. Vallandigham, William Allen, Jas. M. Ashley, Chilton A. White, Richard A Harrison, Samuel Shellabarger, Warren P. Noble, Carey A. Trimble, Valentine B. Horton, Samuel S. Cox, Samuel T. Worcester, Harrison G. Blake, Robert H. Nugen, William P. Cutler, James R. Morris, Sidney Edgerton, Albert G. Riddle, John Hutchins, John A. Bingham.

*

KENTUCKY-Henry C. Burnett,* James S. Jackson, Henry Grider, Aaron Harding, Chas. A. Wickliffe, George W. Dunlap, Robert Mallory, John J. Crittenden, William H. Wadsworth, John W. Menzies.

TENNESSEE-Horace Maynard,* Andrew J. Clements, George W. Bridges.*

INDIANA-John Law, James A. Cravens, W. McKee Dunn, William S. Holman, George W. Julian, Albert G. Porter, Daniel W. Voorhees, Albert S. White, Schuyler Colfax, William Mitchell, John P. C. Shanks.

ILLINOIS-Ellihu B. Washburne, Isaac N. Arnold, Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, William A. Richardson, John A. McClernand,* James C. Robinson, Philip B. Fouke, John A. Logan.*

MISSOURI-Francis P. Blair, Jr., James 8. Rollins, John B. Clark,* Elijah H. Norton, John W. Reid,* John S. Phelps,* John W.

Noell.

MICHIGAN-Bradley F. Granger, Fernando C. Beaman, Francis W. Kellogg, Rowland E. Trowbridge.

IOWA-Samuel R. Curtis, William Vandever. WISCONSIN-John F. Potter, Luther Hanchett,* A. Scott Sloan.

CALIFORNIA-Timothy G. Phelps and Aaron A. Sargent, qualified Dec. 2, 1861; and Frederick F. Low, (now Governor,) June 3, 1862. MINNESOTA-Cyrus Aldrich, William Windom. OREGON-Andrew J. Thayer.* KANSAS-Martin F. Conway.

*See memorandum at end of list.

yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of inge. nious sophistry as that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country, the distinct issue: "Immediate dissolution or blood."

And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a Constitutional Republic or Democracy-a government of the people by the same people-can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this inherent and fatal weakDess ?" "Must a Government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?"

So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, by force, for its preservation.

The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unamimity and spirit the most sanguine expectations. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the Government service. Of course, the seceded States, so called, (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration,) gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action; some of them being almost for the Union, while in others-as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and ArkanBas-the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. A Convention, elected by the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and, with them, adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or

their great resentment at the Government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance, for ratification, to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the Convention, and the Legislature, (which was also in session at the same time and place,) with leading men of the State, not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received-perhaps invited-into their State large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and sent members to their Congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they permitted the insurrectionary Government to be transferred to their capital at Richmond

The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders; and this Government has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this Government is bound to recognize, and protect, as being Virginia.

In the Border States, so-called-in fact, the Middle States-there are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality;" that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disuniou completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of separation; and yet not quite an impassable one; for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of the Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire-feed them well, and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect.

Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that, at first, a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering.

Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three years, unless sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, under what ap