Is there any truth or sincerity in the declarations made on the floor of Congress and in the public presses by the Democracy that the institution of slavery is in danger? Let us look for one moment at their declarations, and then at their actions, and every man, with brains or without them, must at once become satisfied that it is the merest hypocrisy, trickery, and jugglery for political effect, for money, place, and power, that was ever played off on the credulity of sensible men. THE REBELLION FORESHADOWED. By the foregoing extracts I have shown you how and for what purpose the subject of slavery was kept in constant agitation and in increased peril by those who professed to be its most devoted champions, and the only true friends. of the South. They have shown you, too, how and for what purpose Texas was hurried into the Union, in outrageous violation of every constitutional impediment and without a precedent for its justification. I was one of those who made strenuous opposition to the annexation of Texas, and this was another occasion on which I raised a voice of warning to the people. I was the first man in the United States who made public opposition to it at the time, to the manner it was acquired. I had learned through a private source that a treaty was then being negotiated by Mr. Tyler and his prime minister (Mr. Upshur), by which Texas was to be annexed to the United States. I immediately left Washington, came home to Richmond, and in a speech delivered at the African Church disclosed the fact, and took strong grounds against it. I then went on to New York, and there at the Tabernacle also was the first to inform the people of that city of the design of the administration of Mr. Tyler, and then and there foretold the danger to which the Union would be exposed by the ratification of such a treaty at that time, and in the condition that Texas then occupied. Allow me to give you an extract or two from my New York speech, delivered on the 12th of April, 1844, and from a letter written subsequently to one of my former constituents (Mr. IIackett, of Louisa), which letter was published in the papers of that day through the country. In the speech I said, as taken from the New York papers of that day, "And now, fellow-citizens, I approach a graver and more serious question; one which strikes at the very root of the government, and can not fail to stir up from its utmost depths the very foundations of society. I mean this secret and clandestine attempt to annex Texas to the United States, or, more properly speaking, to annex the United States to Texas-a question, in my judgment, the magnitude of which no man can over-estimate. If accomplished, that it will lead to the disturbance of our harmony, the distraction of our people, and, sooner or later, to the dismemberment of this government, I have no shadow of doubt. That the Union of these States will be hazarded by its success, is enough to deter me from giving it my sanction or approval. I am a Union man! I am no Southern man with Northern principles. I am a Southern man with national principles; and if it ever falls to my lot to be sacrificed for any political act of my life, God grant it may be in the defense of the Union of these States." This prayer has been vouchsafed to me; upon this question I have made a willing sacrifice of myself, and I rejoice that I have done. "Mr. Tyler has made up the issue for Congress whether we or England shall have Texas. For my own part, I do not choose that Mr. Tyler or his minister shall make up any such issue for me. Neither his opinions, nor the ends and aims of the disunionists, nor the co-operation of Texas land speculators, nor of the holders of Texas scrip or bonds, shall induce me to credit for an instant the absurd idea that England would be willing to take Texas, with her slave population, as a province, if it were offered to her to-morrow.... But what are the terms of this treaty? Who yet knows? But let them bo what they may, I for one, if I stand alone, will never accede to the annexation of that country as long as I believe there is any chance thereby of shaking the sta bility of this Union. I am for this country, this country as it is, and this Union as it is, and I will never agree to dissolve it for the formation of any new one." The above speech was made in New York in the month of April; the correspondence which follows took place in December following. In the mean time Mr. Upshur had been killed, and Mr. Calhoun had succeeded him as Secretary of State. I give more of this letter than I should otherwise have done, because this Texas annexation was the starting-point, or first entering wedge of disunion, and gave to the secessionists the first symptoms of encouragement they had met with in the incipient labor of twelve years, which had been devoted to the object of disunion. The fol lowing is a letter to me from one of my then constituents: Green Springs, Louisa, December 19, 1844. DEAR SIR,-Taking great interest in your political weal and prosperity, as well as feeling a lively solicitude in your re-election to the Congress of the United States, as also from personal respect, I am induced to make this commu nication. As there exists a considerable division in the ranks of the Whig party in relation to the subject of the annexation. of Texas, I would respectfully ask if you are unconditionally opposed to this measure? There is a large and respectable portion of the Whig party (much larger than is generally supposed, I am, from indubitable evidence, induced to believe), not only in this county, but in Goochland and IIanover, who consider this. question of paramount importance, so much so as to induce them to hesitate in casting their vote for a candidate unconditionally and "unqualifiedly" opposed to them on this important measure. Indeed I have, on several occasions, heard gentlemen of considerable influence, who have uniformly cooperated zealously with the Whig party, and who consistently advocate and support its prominent measures, declare that the vital importance of this subject to the particular interests of the Southern portion of this Confederacy, and the dependence arising from our peculiar institutions, under the present aspect of political affairs, for support and balance of power, has induced them to waver in their allegiance to their party, and produced in their minds a condition of doubt and uncertainty as favorable to the success of the opposite party as injurious to the prospects and organization of our own. This is the prolific source of the numerous calls for a convention for the purpose of selecting a suitable candidate to represent this congressional district, and not "individual attachments," as represented by the Whig. I believe that an answer favorable to the views of those gentlemen will insure your re-election without the least difficulty, and an adverse ono will detach a "segment of a larger vote" than the nomination of either Rhodes, Daniel, Lyons, or Fleming, with you in the field. For myself, individually, though ardently in favor of this measure, I shall unhesitatingly yield a cheerful vote to the man who has battled so gloriously in defense of our cause; who has stood forth the fearless champion of our invaded rights; who, alike unseduced by the blandishments of pow er.as unappalled by its frowns, has ever exposed its corruptions; who has, with chivalrous courage, unheeding the siren songs of place or office, lifted the veil that concealed the traitor, and exposed him in all his hideous deformity to the astonished gaze of a deluded people, and defied his impotent rage, be the response what it may. But why may not a Whig, without divesting himself of his party allegiance, without worshiping Baal, without being expelled from his political church, without yielding the cherished opinions of a lifetime on those subjects so dear to his heart, which he has ever been and will ever be proud to maintain-yes, why may he not favor the annexation of Texas to this Union? The fact of the purchase of Louisiana by Mr. Jefferson did not detract from his republicanism. May we not have a national bank and a tariff as well with Texas as without it? But verbum sap. Excuse the liberty I have taken, for I can assure you that nothing but an carnest zeal in your behalf, and a deep interest in the ensuing contest, would have induced me thus to trespass on your time and patience. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Half Sink, December 23, 1844. MY DEAR SIR,-Your letter of the 19th instant has remained unanswered until this time, first, because my mind and time since I received it have both been closely occupied in private matters which could not be neglected, and secondly, because, when I did answer it, I desired to do so at some length, not only that my views on that subject might not be misunderstood by any one voter of the district, but because my vanity (it may be) induced me to indulge the hope that when I presented all my objections to the scheme of the po |