years from the passage of the act, who was over the age of twenty-five at the breaking out of the rebellion, without taking the following oath in addition to that now required of all such officers by the Constitution of the United States:

"I, A. B., do solemnly swear that I have not, since the twentieth day of December, 1860 (the date of the Ordinance of Secession of South Carolina), voluntarily taken up arms against the United States, nor have I advised or encouraged others to do so; that I have not sought or held office under the Confederate States government, or of that of any state in rebellion, with a view in any manner to aid the rebellion; that I have not said, written, or done any thing designed, or of a nature calculated to alienate the affections or allegiance of the people from the government of the United States; nor have I otherwise given aid and comfort to the rebellion."

Let this enactment be accompanied with an absolute remission in all cases of the forfeiture of life, liberty, and property, for the crimes committed by and under the authority of those in rebellion; and let it also be declared that if it shall be ascertained that any person has sworn falsely to obtain or hold any office hereby prohibited, such office shall be absolutely vacated, and the party held liable to a prosecution for perjury.

If this plan should be adopted, every loyal citizen would be subjected to the test prescribed before he could hold a legislativo, executive, or judicial office, while those of thirty and under who had borno arms against the country would be relieved of such obligations. It would be manifestly proper, therefore, that an oath should be provided for them which would have only a prospective operation, and I suggest the following:

"I, A. B., do solemnly swear that I recognize the Constitution of the United States, and all laws made in pursuance thereof, as the supreme law of the land, and that I am bound thereby, any state law, Constitution, or ordinance, or convention to the contrary notwithstanding; and that I regard all laws of the United States as binding on the citizens thereof, until declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States. That I regard the first obligation of allegiance of the citizen as due to the United States, and not to any component part thereof; and I will hercafter observe and obey the laws, and protect the flag of my country when lawfully called upon to do so."

This would be what Mr. Johnson would call an "intelligent treason," not holding to responsibility the boys and young men, who were misled and dragged in by older, more experienced, and more wicked men, nor

those who were forced in by conscription, and would leave all now thirty years of age and under to fill the offices, state and Federal, who, with the Union men, would constitute a majority of the whole in most if not all of the states; and the regenerated under thirty-one would naturally attach themselves to the government that had thus restored them, and aid in circulating a spirit of loyalty throughout the South, and their numbers would daily increase, while the other party would decline in a still greatcr ratio.

Twelve months ago every rebel in the South would have rejoiced at the proffer of such terms. It is due to the nation—due to posterity and mankind-that some penalty should be visited on those who were wickedly guilty, to prevent a repetition of the offense at a future day. Now is the time to establish a precedent, and so mild a penalty was never before exacted for so grave a crime-complete restoration and amnesty, only withholding for ten years political power from those who had voluntarily and treacherously surrendered and abandoned it. Upon the passage of this law reconstruction would be absolute and immediate, upon a basis of unquestioned loyalty; the state governments would be placed in the hands of loyal men; the chief cause of dissension between the President and Congress would be withdrawn; harmony in the public councils would be restored; the more guilty would be mildly punished, and the balance rclieved of responsibility; and not the least of the advantages of this mode of settlement would be that it withdraws the question of reconstruction from the next election. If the President should sanction it, and Congress reject it, it would indicate that they had some ulterior object in view, and a disposition to delay unreasonably a restoration upon a loyal basis, which would severely damage the Union party; while, on the other hand, if Congress should adopt it, and the President reject it, it would strongly indicate on his part a desire to restore to power those elements of disloyalty North and South which have brought such desolation and ruin upon the country, of which many now (but I do not) suspect him.

MR. LINCOLN AND IIIS POLICY.

So much injustice has been done to the memory of Mr. Lincoln, and such unfair and unfounded representations made in regard to the responsibility for the late rebellion-especially made in a work that has lately, and for the first time, fallen under my observation, called "The Democratic Almanac," published in the city of New York, for the year 1866, I presume for Southern consumption-that I should feel my task incom

plete if I did not add a brief synopsis of the course of policy pursued by Mr. Lincoln, chiefly for the benefit of my Southern readers, who, by the events of the war and the necessary interruption of communication between the two sections, were cut off from all knowledge of what was transpiring in Washington, and were limited in their reading to the complexion given to all things as they found it in the Southern press, which, for the most part, studiously suppressed the publication of whatever might contribute to a more favorable feeling toward those whom they had been taught to believe were their persecutors and oppressors, and substituted for it such imaginary pictures as ingenuity could devise to fire the Southern heart, frenzy the Southern mind, and whet the appetite for blood.

In the performance of this task, I begin with what is already to be found in the body of this work, to wit, the platform adopted by the Rcpublican party in 1860 at the Chicago Convention, which nominated Mr. Lincoln. On the question of slavery it reads, "That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what protext, as among the gravest of crimes."

This declaration of principles-so much misrepresented in 1860, '61, throughout the South—of itself effectually disposes of the charge in the aforesaid "Democratic Almanac,” to be found on p. 17 of said book, which declares that Mr. Lincoln was elected as the representative of a party which had resolved that "slavery must be abolished, if not by the fear of the sword, then by the sword itself; and again, that the "Republican party" had declared, "Against slaveholders as a body we wage an exterminating war." "If the negroes had a chance, they would be delighted to cut their masters' throats." "Slavcholders, it is for you to determine whether we are to have justice (i. e., emancipation) peaceably or by violence; for whatever consequences may follow, we are determined to have it, one way or another."

Next, as to Mr. Lincoln himself. This article in the "Democratic Almanac" scems to have been written for the purpose of again "firing the Southern heart," of which folly we have had quite enough already, and of keeping a party in alliance with treason, by operating upon the ignorant and uninformed. It contains so much trashy nonsense that is known to its Northern readers to be utterly false and unfounded, that I instinctively shrink from

giving it importance by taking any notice of it; but the South, being engaged in war during the whole of Mr. Lincoln's administration, and thus cut off from all intercourse with the North, are liable to be misled; and I have therefore thought it best to give a brief sketch of Mr. Lincoln's policy and action on this subject from first to last, and to show that Southerif secessionists imposed upon him the necessity of emancipation, to save, as he thought, the life of the nation; and before he resorted to this extreme measure, he did all in his power to induce Southern slaveholders to accept a fair compensation for slavery, which was indignantly rejected.

I start, then, with Mr. Lincoln's speech on the 4th of March, 1861, in which he said, "Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that, by the accession of a Republican administration, their property, peace, and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the whilo existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfero with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and clected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.'

"I now reiterato these sentiments, and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which tho caso is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to the states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as another.

"There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

"No person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, bo discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.'

"It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shall be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

"I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construo the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to, and abide by, all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violato any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional."

On the 13th of April, 1861, a committee, consisting of Wm. Ballard Preston, a quasi-Union man, who soon gave way in the convention-A. H. H. Stuart-a professed Union man, who ultimately voted at the polls for secession, and urged the people to do the same-and George W. Randolph, an original and extremo secessionist, waited upon Mr. Lincoln to inquire "what policy the Federal Executive intended to pursue toward the Confederato States ?" to which Mr. Lincoln, with more courtesy and forbearance than they would have received from "Old Hickory,” replied as follows:

"In answer, I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret, and some mortification, I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursuc.