The queftion was ultimately to be tried in Paris by the council of prizes. M. De la Grange, an intelligent, and respectable and respected man, advocate for the claimants, produced the letter of the French minifter of Marine in defence of his clients; it was to no purpose. He produced the charter-party figned at Lisbon before the promulgation of the Berlin decree, between captain Mac Clure and the Spanish ambaffador in that city: he urged that Spain was a friendly power, and not merely fo, but that he was an active ally of France, and in open hoftility with Great Britain, against whom, it was fuppofed, the decree was principally directed. Vain attempt! to ufe the language of the mighty Napoleon himself. The fhip and cargo muft at all events be confifcated; fhe was too rich a prize to be permitted to flip through the hands of the rapacious government of France. The fhip and cargo were condemned." P. 8.

The unjust and oppreffive imprisonment of a Mr. Mac Clure, brother to the owner of the fhip and cargo, on the suspicion of being an Englishman, (a moft inexpiable crime!) is alfo reprefented, in ftrong terms, by the author; who juftly reprobates the partiality shown by the American government to France, in fubmitting to decrees fo manifeftly fubverfive of their rights as an independent nation.

The author then proceeds to ftate the firft attempt of retaliation against France, by the order in council, iffued in January 1807, by the British government, and fhows how little that order refembled the Berlin decree. This meafure having proved inef fectual, the more vigorous and comprehenfive order of November 1807 was iffued: and even this, the author juftly obferves, fell far fhort of Buonaparte's decree, and admitted feveral important exceptions. His comments on the order, and the objections which have been raised to it, appear to us to be candid and well founded, particularly as to the pretence that a duty was thereby imposed on neutral commerce. It is, he obferves, merely' a favourable condition impofed on veffels, which, as contravening our regulations, might otherwife have been deemed lawful prizes. The author then gives a copy of what he terms the nstable Milan decree, denationalizing (according to the jargon of Buonaparte,) every veffel of every nation which fhall have fubmitted to be fearched by an English fhip, or be on her voyage.

"A perfon difpofed to ridicule, and fond of a pun, might be tempted to call them the council of BLANKS. They are themfelves Blanks, because they have no freedom of decifion accord ing to general principles; and in every individual cafe they muft decide according to the dictates of their mafter. They may! be called the council of Blanks, because no claimant, however just his caufe, however flagrant his proofs, ever draws a prize."

to England, or have paid any tax to the English government. Such veffels, and of courfe their cargoes, are declared to have become English property. The grofs injuftice of thus confif cating fhips which have been compelled to fubmit to a fearch, (in itfelf lawful,) is here ftated with becoming indignation; and by a letter from one of the French minifters, as well as by feveral cafes cited in this work, it appears to have been applied even to veffels vifited by the English before the Milan decree had paffed. Indeed, in many inftances, there was not even that ground of feizure. Another decree holds out a temptation to the failors of fuch fhips to impeach and betray their captains. Our limits will not permit us to enter more at large into the numerous particulars detailed by this writer; who certainly has, in a great degree, atoned for his former fupport of our enemy, by ftrongly and justly reprobating his late iniquities, and expofing a fyftem of perfidy and plunder, perhaps unexampled in the hiftory of the world.

LAW.

ART. 22. A Letter to the Right Hon. Spencer Perceval, Ic. &c.: c. In Confequence of the Notice given by him in the House of Commons, in the Year 1800, that he would fabmit to the Reconfi deration of that Houfe a Bill for the Prevention and Punishment of Adultery. The Third Edition, with a new Preface. 8vo. 57 PP. 2s. 6d. J. J. Stockdale and Rivingtons. 1810.

This fenfible and well intended Tract was, as the title page and preface inform us, originally written and published in order to promote the object of the Honourable Member to whom it is ad dreffed, namely, the prevention and punishment of adultery. It is now republished on the occafion of the Houfe of Lords having (by a standing order to receive no Divorce Bill, without a clause, to prevent the intermarriage of the offending parties) applied the only remedy in their power against the growing evil.-The Author hopes the friends of virtue and morality, may be induced to call on the Legiflature, in the most earneft manner, to fubject the offence in queftion to the restraints of criminal law.

The new Preface to this Edition, contains many forcible, and, we think, just observations on the important fubject to which it re. lates. It attributes the increafe and prevalence of this crime, in part at least, to the prefent modes and habits of life ; to "that rage for pleafure and diffipation, that boundless extravagance, that levity and frivolity; that luxury, effeminacy, and fenfuality, which characterize the manners of the prefent age."

In proof of this affertion, the writer obferves, that the regular habitual performance of our active duties, and particularly of thofe domestic duties which devolve upon the female fex, is the best pre fervative of virtue. On the importance of thefe duties, and their.

beneficial

beneficial effects on those who duly perform them, he expatiates with much feeling and energy.

The contrary tendency of an habitual life of diffipation, is alfo painted in glowing colours; and the fingular omiffion in our code of criminal law (which contains no provifion againft this offence) is noticed with juft regret. The Author gives due praise to the meafure adopted by the Houfe of Lords, to prevent the fubfequent intermarriage of the offenders; but conceives, that a legislative provifion alone can effect that defirable purpose.

The Letter itfelf (of which this is the third edition) is already fo well known to the public, that, in noticing this republication of it, we need only obferve, that it contains the moft juft and eloquent reprefentations of the enormity of that offence, which ftrikes at the root of morals, and embitters, in the highest degree, all the comforts and happinefs of fociety;-that it offers, in behalf of the le gillative meafures propofed, arguments, which appear to us unanfwerable; and which no writer, that we have met with, has attempted to answer; and that it refutes (in our opinion) decifively thofe pretences which have fo often been alledged against the pro pofed regulations in both Houfes of Parliament.We were particul larly pleafed to fee, in this Tract, the profligate and unchriftian doctrine, that marriage is only a civil contract, fo juftly reprobated and expofed; and we believe no confcientious Senator, who atten tively, and without prejudice, would perufe the Letter before us, could hefitate to fupport the measure which it so ably recommends

ART. 23. A Letter to the Right Honourable Spencer Perceval, on the Augmentation of a particular Clafs of poor Livings without burdening the Public. 8vo. 61 PP. 2s. Hatchard.

1810.

Of the benevolent and politic plans which have employed the attention of ftatefmen in modern times, few, if any, are more import, ant and interesting than that which is the subject of this Letter; nor has any Minifter of this country fhown more zeal for the interefts of the established Church, infeparably connected as they are with thofe of the State, than the Gentleman whom this writer addreffes. There cannot therefore be a doubt of his bestowing the moft favourable confideration on every fuggeftion that tends to promote the great object in view.

The author before us examines fome of the fchemes fuggefted on this fubject, and juftly, in our opinion, condemns the propofal of raifing the firft fruits and tenths by a new valuation, as it would fall heavy on many Church preferments of inconfiderable value. He then takes a view of the meafures adopted in former times, derived chiefly from the Journals, the Parliamentary history, and Bishop Kennet's Cafe of Impropriations." From thefe it ap pears to have been during a confiderable period the object of Government to effect an augmentation of the poorer vicarages and

G 3

perpetual

perpetual curacies, on ecclefiaftical impropriation, by directing the lands or tithes to be let by fuch impropriators at higher referved rents; fuch additional rents to be added to the vicarages or cura. cies belonging to them.

A fimilar regulation, to be permanently enacted by Parliament, is fuggefted by this writer, to be applied to fuch impropriate rec tories as are in the hands of ecclefiaftical perfons, or corporate bo dies. The principle of the meafure is thus explained by him.

I

"Thefe poffeffions came originally into the hands of ecclefiaftical bodies, with the exprefs refervation of providing fufficient minilters for the discharge of parochial duties. The incomes arifing from them have kept pace with the depreciation of money. The falaries allotted to the parochial ministers have not fo kept pace; and do not therefore now furnish fufficient minifters. The obliga tion under which they are held, is not therefore fulfilled. The difcharge of it has been enforced by the injunctions of the Crown, with an authority admitted by the Legislature, which confirmed all acts done or to to be done in obedience to thefe commands, This meafure took place at a period when perfons the best affected. to the Church were the advisers of the Crown; and cannot, there, fore, be fufpected of having been introduced with any view to its detriment. On the contrary, it has been highly commended by all the writers who have noticed it.

was

"At the periods when it was introduced and repeated, and fated to be intended for perpetuity, no correfponding measure. taken by the legiflature, for adding any thing from the public purfe towards the relief of the poorer Clergy.

"Now that the public are about to take upon themselves the burthen of contributing largely towards the relief of the poorer Clergy, they appear to have a ftill ftronger claim to call upon those ecclefiaftical bodies, than they had at the time when the call was first made. The livings, of which chapters or prebendaries are the impropriate rectors, are generally in their own gift; they may prefent them to perfons of their own body, or to their friends. By augmenting their income, they either augment their own, or at least that of which they have the difpofal.

It is impoffible for the public to give fo large a fum, as would augment, to the lowest amount of a decent maintenance, all 'the vicarages and curacies which want it. With the aid to be derived from inviting or compelling ecclefiaftical impropriators to difcharge the bona fide obligation of their tenure, the effect propofed by the public aid would be accomplished at a lefs expenfe, and in a fhorter time. If the measure were compulfory, and applied only to future poffeffors, no individual now holding preferment could be affected by it; and though this poftponement would retard the full enjoyment of its benefits by the poorer Clergy, this evil would be compenfated by the abfence of all perfonal hardship.” -P. 46. Subftantial

1

Subftantial reasons are given for not extending this regulation to the Colleges in our Univerfities which indeed are not ecclefi aftical corporations. Of the plan itfelf we are inclined to think favourably (fo far as it goes) but it would require mature confi deration, and, after all, perhaps, contribute but in a small degree to effectuate the important object propofed.

POOR.

ART. 24. An Addrefs to the Gentlemen forming the Commitice of the Affociated Parishes; on the propriety of erecting a House of Ins dustry at or near the Town of Louth, in the County of Lincoln. 12mo. 10 pp. Jackson, Louth.

1810.

The author undertakes " to prove, that the principle on which houses of industry are erected, is objectionable.

"It is generally agreed, that any good from them must owe itfelf to management and care. Without attention, they produce no good. The care of them is fo irkfome, that it is generally employed only at firft, when zeal is warm; and difcontinued when that has abated; fo that none, perhaps, permanently answer any good purpose. Whatever good they may, in fome inftances, produce, the evils in counterbalance are fo numerous, that they are discontinued in many counties. Excepting that at Shrewsbury, (as far as I can learn), they are the mementos of extravagant ex pectations, and dwindle into mere poor-bonfes. That at Shrews bury owes its fuccefs to one individual only; to the indefatigable zeal of Mr. Wood." The objections to fuch Houses of Industry are then stated exprefsly; namely, 1. That they militate against perfonal liberty. 2. That great expences are incurred, on a very hazardous fpeculation. 3. That vice is abundantly increased.

The author then ftates, that "one great caufe of the griev ances fo generally complained of, (the increafe and increafing ftate of the poor rates, with the depravity of morals obferved in the lower claffes of people) proceeds from the infufficiency of the poor. laws, relative to overfeers." P. 6. On this point, we find some juft and useful remarks. At p. 7, the management of the poor at Hamburgh is highly, and (as it feems) justly commended. We wifh it had been fet forth more fully. At p. 8, a tribute of fpect is paid, "very juftly due, to two moft amiable young ladies of Spilby; who, to their honour be it fpoken, have, with unwea fied attention, fuperintended a Sunday School."

re

The name of David Lloyd, at the end of this ufeful little tract, is (as we are informed) that of a refpectable magiftrate and worthy captain in the navy.

Difcuffions like this, temperately conducted, are calculated to produce very useful effects in a neighbourhood.