rence.

or

no

put forth such an assertion? The letters twenty-four hours, unless these Judges dede cachet; the game laws; the gabelles, cide for his commitment.Compare this the seigneurial jurisdiction; the arbitrary with the operation of "the ancient Ordi taxation; the accursed parliaments; the nances and Customs of the realm," and sale of Justice; the dominion and oppres- say, who can, that the people of France sions of the church; the cruel corvées; the are likely to wish for the return of the endless vexations of the feudal system; the Bourbons.- -I have read the Code murderings of the provincial judges. All Napoleon with great attention, and with are done away, not a trace of them remains. not less admiration. Till I readit, I had Where, then, are we to look for those no idea that it was possible for any Code of "ancient Ordinances and Customs," which laws so effectually to provide for the secuare said to be revived in the Napoleon rity of property and of personal liberty. Code? Taxation, heavy as it may be, is The man who has been robbed, now uniform; it falls impartially upon the otherwise injured criminally, chas rich as well as upon the poor; all public trouble, no plague, no expense, expenses are borne by the general purse to encounter in pursuit of the criminal. of the public; the law is the same in all It is the duty of the Attorney General to do parts of the country; judges are not of every thing necessary to detection and conlocal origin, but proceed from the no-viction, and the expense is wholly borne mination of the crown; no man can be punished, or even imprisoned, for more than twenty-four hours, without substantial evidence of his guilt being made appear upon oath, to the satisfaction of, at least, two inferior judges. No man can be punished until found guilty by a jury, impartially taken, and not then, unless three out of five judges concur in the senNo man can be kept, in any case, more than three months in prison without being tried. The Judges of Assize sit every three months, and are compelled to decide all cases and causes before they quit the places of sitting respectively. The Attornies General, of which there is one in every district, are for the protection of the people, as well as of the rights of the Crown. If a house be robbed, for instance, information is immediately given of it to the Attorney General, who is personally to attend at the spot, collect the evidence, cause search to be made for the offender, and, if he be found, to bring him immediately before an inferior tribunal with a WRITTEN account of all the facts and of all the evidence on which he has proceeded. That inferior tribunal, consisting of not less than three Judges, are then to decide whether the evidence be such as to justify their commitment of the accused. They are not only to read the written account of the proceedings, but are to re-examine, upon oath, the several witnesses. If they find any difficulty in deciding, they themselves are to proceed to the spot where the offence has been committed. And, after all, unless two out of the three are for the commitment, the accused is set at diberty; and, in no case, can any one be confined more than

Amongst

by the public. There is some sense in calling such an officer an Attorney General. What, then, are we to think of those men, who are daily telling the people of England, that Napoleon has thousands of Bastiles? Who daily assert, that his government is a military despotism; that he imprisons and punishes people without any form of trial; that no man's property or life is safe for a single hour: what are we to think of these men? Why, doubtless, that they are wholly ignorant of the subject on which they write, or, that they knowingly make use of the press for the promulgation of the most daring falsehoods. the consequences of the improved situation of France, as to her laws and government, has been the wonderful progress of the sciences and the arts, in which respect it is notorious that that country has, within these twelve years, surpassed, in the midst of war, all the other nations of Europe put together, though many of them have, for a great part of that time, enjoyed profound peace. It is, therefore, not a little whimsical to hear the Allies holding out to the French people, that, by compelling their Emperor to come to their terms, the arts will be revived in France ! It is probable that the quantity of skill in the sciences and arts, at this moment existing in France, greatly surpasses the aggregate quantity existing in all the rest of the world; a proof indubitable of the security of property and persons; a proof of the wisdom of the laws and the discernment of the person at the head of the government.- -Do I approve, then, of the sort of government established in France 2 Is it the sort of government that I, if I could have my wish,

would like to see in that country?

chiefly be Republicans; and, it is impossible to say how far their disaffection might carry them in the hope of rebuilding the Repub

Plainly I say, NO. I should like to see the government of France that which the Convention intended it to be. But Ilic upon his ruin. They may, too, be inore

am speaking of what it is, compared with powerful, in a moment of alarm, than he what the old government was; and, if pru- supposes. It is possible, that his death, dence did not restrain my pen, I would and the meeting of a provisionary republispeak of it as compared with what some can government, may be announced to everother governments now are. We are not gaping London without a moment's previhere speaking about wishes, but about ous warning. But, if this be very unlikely, facts. Our wishes ought not to be directed it is, I think, many degrees more unlikely, in favour of this or of that man, or nation, that the people of France should declare for, exclusively. We may be excused for or in any way side with, those powers, wishing ourselves to be best off; but, our from whose success they must naturally next wish ought to be on the side of the dread the overthrow of their present laws, happiness of mankind.With these which are the sole guarantee of their profacts, then, before us; with the view, which | perty.-If, indeed, we believe what our we have now taken of the situation, past news-papers assert respecting Napoleon, and present, of the people of France; with we ought to suppose, that every man in this view in our eye, we have to decide, France has a dagger for his heart. If we not whether the people of France are likely believe, that he poisoned his own sick solto desire the return of the Bourbons (for diers, and that, upon another occasion, he that must be a point settled in the negative, buried some of them alive, and threw hotI think); but, whether they are likely to lime into the pits upon them; if we believe wish to put down Napoleon, and, as a na- these things, we must believe that all tural consequence, whether the allies are France holds him in abhorrence. But, comlikely to succeed ultimately against him. mon sense, to say nothing of the want of It is said here, that there is no fear proof, and of the strong presumptive proofs that the Bourbons would endeavour to re- on the other side, forbid us to believe store the old government. There is no fear those bloody tales, the fruit of a desire to profit to us; but can the people of France see the from the credulity and the fear-begotten thing in the same light? It is impossible. prejudice of the most credulous and duped They must always associate the ideas of people in the whole world. Under the gabelles, corvées, and all the long list of opname of BURDON, it is, in the Times pressions, with the restoration of that fa-news-paper, asserted, that Buonaparte mily; and, I imagine, that it will be very caused his wounded soldiers to be buried difficult to persuade them, that that resto alive at a certain place in Italy; and the ration is not inseparable from the success way the publisher goes to work to establish of the allies, who, though they do not use the fact is this. The fact," says he, the language of the Duke of Brunswick, do," has been published, in this country, these as he did, invade France. Besides, the" nine years, and has never yet been allies, though they profess to wish for the disproved. Let it be disproved if it can prosperity of France, do not shew any haste"be; and, if it be not disproved, it must, in making peace, while, on the other hand," of course, be admitted to be true. ThereNapoleon repeatedly declares, that he has "fore, Napoleon caused his wounded solactually accepted of the preliminaries," diers to be buried alive." —— Now, which they have proposed to him. The people of France must, hence, naturally conclude, that the Allies are not so moderate in their views as they profess to be; they must conclude that some latent design exists of putting in execution schemes not yet avowed; and, in this state of mind, it appears to me very improbable, that they should aid the cause of the Allies by any rising against Napoleon, or by any unwillingness to repel the invaders. It is not to be doubted, that France contains a great number of disaffected persons; but, these must

reader, what must that public be supposed to be; in what a light must the public intellect and justice be viewed, when a public writer can make use of such a mode of establishing an important historical fact? What, in short, is the state of mind, to which that public is arrived, to whom an interested writer, wishing to please that public, could address such an article?Is this the way that just men, that men impartial and not blinded by prejudice, go to work to establish, or to verify, accusations? Upon this principle

and thus, by risking his own life, overcame that fear which prevented his unfortunate comrades in arms from receiving the assistance so necessary to their recovery.

all the ill, asserted of any man, must be believed without any proof. What was asserted, for example, against the Prince Regent by Messrs. Hunts, must, upon this principle, be regarded as quite true, beIt is impossible to doubt of the truth

of this fact. How invent it? Why invent it.? Why should the author, a man of great talents and great literary reputation, hazard his reputation in such a way? This fact stands upon a foundation very different indeed from the facts of Sir Robert Wilson, Mr. Burdon, and all that anonymous and abusive rabble of writers, in this country, who administer food to the prejudice of a public, who, in the case of Napoleon, will bear to be told, that the burden of proof lies, not on the accuser, but on the accused.- If this fact be true, is it likely, that those of Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Burdon are true? Is it possible? I think that any man of common sense and common candour must answer in the negative.If we were not wilfully blind, we must perceive, besides, that Napoleon has many qualities (qualities which no one denies him), calculated to make him an object of respect with the people. Upon all occasions he shares, the toils and the dan

cause it has not been disproved. If one man accused another of theft, the business, at the trial, would not be to produce proof of the guill, but proof of the innocence. So, that this Mr. BURDON, whoever he is, is to accuse any one whom he chooses to pick out of any crime that he chooses to name, and the accused party is to be looked upon as guilty, until he comes forward and produces proof of his innocence.Yet, upon this principle, it is, that the accusations against the humanity of Napoleon have obtained a currency in this country. There is not, as far as I have observed, any one of those accusations, which stands upon proof, which would be thought sufficient to commit a man on an accusation of stealing turnips or robbing an orchard. It is all assertion, founded on mere hearsay, or sent forth without even alleged hearsay to sanction it. The assertions respecting his heroic humanity stand upon a different foundation. The facts are recorded in the histories of his campaigns; they are pub-gers of his armies. His attention to public lished amongst a people, who could not be business is almost incessant. He is sober. easily deceived; they are accompanied with His associates, or those who appear to be precise dates, with the names of parties most confided in by him, are men famed present, with numerous minute details, for their talents, in their several stations, and they appeal to a great number of living for their wisdom, for their application to witnesses. CRETELLE, in his history of business. His hours of recreation are not the Revolution, relates, that Buonaparte, spent at the gaming table, but in the manly during his campaign in Asia, and at a exercises of the field.—And yet this is time when many of his soldiers were dy- the man, whom our news-writers denomiing with the plague, finding the soldiers in nate a monster, though he is the son-in-law health disinclined to attend the sick for fear of our august ally, the Emperor of Austria ! of the mortal contagion, went himself to This is the man, because they submit to the pest-house, and, in the presence of his whose sway, these writers call the people aids-du-camp and others, went up to the of France base slaves, deserying-the severbeds of those who were in the worst est chastisement !—If, indeed, Napoleon stages of the malady, took them by the were a half-mad tyrant; if he were a sort hand, saluted them in the kindest manner, of malignant idiot, who, while he kept

his own worthless carcass safe within the palace of St. Gloud, made it his sport to send forth armies to butcher or be butcher

such a case to boast of being under his sway would call, with irresistible voice, for our hatred, and not only for the

ed; if he were a drunkard, a sot, a gam-hatred of this nation but for that of all mankind; for, in such a case, the people of France would be a dishonour to the name and form of man.→→→→ But, if Napoleon be none of this; if he be precisely the contrary of the imaginary character that I have drawn, with what justice do wé, or some of us, revile the people of France; with what justice do we abuse them, load them with every epithet and term expressive of contempt, for submitting to be ruled by him?—I have now done with my proposed subject; and I have only to add, that, if what I have said, contain any force, whether in the facts or the arguments that I have advanced, it will require, to answer it, something more than mere cen sure of me, or than the imputation of bad

bler, a swindler, a man, who, if in common life, would be kicked out of every hotel in Paris; if he were an emaciated creature, incapable of any sort of exertion 'bodily or mental; if his mornings were spent in bed, his noons at the toilette in the midst of washes, pastes, and baubles; his nights, sometimes amongst that description of battered females who would condescend to flatter the loathsome impotence from which youth and beauty would turn with disdain, though approaching them in a shower of gold, and some times amongst roaring drunkards, professed gamblers, blacklegs (if there be any such in France), rotten rakes, parasites, and pimps.If, indeed, Napoleon were a man, if man such a wretch might be call-motives. I have not the vanity to hope, ed; if he were a man of this description, that what I have said will produce much then might we justly accuse the people of effect; but, I am of opinion, that, unless France of baseness in patiently submitting the people of this country, by their disto his sway; then, indeed, when we heard countenance thereof, put a stop to this inthem cry, Vive l'Empereur and thus cessant torrent of outrageous abuse against glory in their shame, we might justly call the French Emperor and nation, they will them the basest of slaves. In such a case in vain look for that peace which they apevery expression of praise, bestowed on pear so anxiously to desire, and which him or his house, would stamp him who is so necessary to the prosperity of all used it with the character of slave. In Europe.

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Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. McCreery, Black-Horse-Court, Fleet-street. I peoli'oza),

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXV. No. 4.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 22, 1814. [Price 1s.

ertion in that way, in which alone it was wished to make exertion in this work. But, a new and most interesting change having taken place in the affairs of Europe; a reverse of fortune with him who has, for so long a time, been the terror of European kings; a great, and almost general concus sion being, according to all appearances, upon the eve of breaking out; a multitude of new topics, deeply interesting to man

For some time past; indeed, for some years past, the state of this country, and of all Europe, has been, as to politics, such as to offer but very meagre materials for discussion. On the one side we have seen nothing but the boundless dominion and in-kind, starting now, every hour, forth for fluence of France on the land, and, on the

discussion, an irresistible desire to take part

therein has led to a determination to devote not only more time and attention to the REGISTER than it has had bestowed on it for some years past, but more than it has had bestowed on it at any former period. There are times, when it becomes the duty of men to make, in part at least, a sacrifice of their taste for retirement; and, such a time the present seems to be.