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leave it him? Or, did he acquire it, dur- "himself behind a screen, because, in his ing his campaigns; during the time, that "impatience to find pretexts for destroying he served under the Brissotines, Robespierre, "Moreau, he could not wait for the rethe Directory, and Buonaparté; during the port."Now, mind, nothing was done time that he was in the service of his coun- to Moreau upon this occasion. The thing try; aye, that very country, in fighting was either overlooked by Napoleon; or, there against the armies of which he, at last, re- was not sufficient evidence to proceed upon ceived the wound that put an end to his against the accused. If the former, it shews life? In the midst of those "sweets of the magnanimity of Napoleon; if the latter, "conjugal union," which the tender Rus- it shews, that the law, as established by sian tells us he enjoyed at Grosbois and at himself, was above his arbitrary will. Take Morrisville; in the midst of all the hospi- it which way you choose, the fact redounds ́ tality and charity, in which he delighted to to his honour; for, upon the confession, dwell, did he not, now and then, look back and even the boasting, of this Russian, the and trace his fortune to its source? The Abbé was the bearer of a letter of friendMemoir does not do it for him; and, there- ship and approximation from Moreau to a fore, I will leave the task, not a very diffi- man, whom that very Moreau himself had cult one, to the good sense of every candid denounced as a traitor.. reader, who will, I am sure, join me in come to the last and grand scene, on which laughing at such an attempt at the tender Moreau appeared in France; to his particisublime as is exhibited in this history of pation in the plot of Pichegru and Georges; Morrisville and Grosbois.At Grosbois, his accusation; his trial, and his banishhowever, we left him, and back again we ment. -We will here take the very must go to join him at Grosbois, where, as words of the Russian, and, I think, that, we read in the Memoir, he blamed, with before the English reader gets to the end of great frankness, all the acts of Napoleon; the extract, he will exclaim: if I must and that all Paris were well acquainted have some one to defend my memory, with what he said. Notwithstanding God defend me from the scribbling subthis, however, there he lived unmolested.jects of the Emperor of all the Russias! It is not to be supposed, that all Paris knew what Napoleon was ignorant of; and, therefore, the inevitable conclusion is, that the latter either despised the blame of Moreau, or that he did not wish to hurt him, or, else, that the laws were such, that he could not hurt him.The Russian may take which supposition he pleases.- -But, we now come to more serious matter. In the beginning of 1802, the Memoir tells us, that an Abbé David conceived the idea of “ approximating Pi"chegru and Moreau, foreseeing that their "union might one day be useful to France, "and found from the very first overture,

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"Pichegru, sure of what were the senti"ments of his early friend, had directed "General Lajolais to him in 1803, in or"der to become acquainted with the pro"jects which occupied him; but Moreau

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having but little esteem for the latter, "had confined himself to assurances of the entire interest he took in the fate of his "friend, and of the desire which he had "of soon seeing him again in France. Lajolais fancied he could interpret this "avowal as an invitation given to Pichegru to repair thither, in order to concur "in the overthrow of the government of Buonaparté; and he came to London to bring the positive assurance, that Moreau was ready to connect himself with any "kind of project which should have that "for its object; and that he ardently de"sired the presence of Pichegru at Paris. "He took good care not to say, that Mo

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that Moreau was delighted with the ❝idea." David took a letter from Moreau to Pichegru, but was stopped by the Police, and was sent to the Temple, " to expiate "the wrong of having wished to re-esta"blish between two great men, that confi"dence and friendship which had once united reau had testified to him so little con“them."——And, was that all that this good "fidence, that he refused to lend him fifty son of the church had in view? Was that all? "louis d'or for his journey.- -For several The sequel will shew us that it was not. "months General Georges was in Paris, Pichegru was in England. What could "to PREPARE the means of CARRYthis approximation mean? Did the Abbé "ING OFF BUONAPARTE by main intend to work a miracle, and bring Poland "force, in one of his rides from Paris to Street, where Pichegru lived, close to Gros- "St. Cloud. The plan he had concerted bois? -We are told, that Buonaparté," with Pichegru was just at its maturity; during the examination of the Abbé, "hid "and from day to day, advices were ex

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pected which were to determine the de- the purpose, like another Ulysses, of bringparture of the latter with two Princes of ing this Achilles to the battle, but against the house of Bourbon. But what Lajo-his country instead of for it: here we have "lais announced of the intentions of Ge- the plain and distinct avowal of this very "neral Moreau, appeared too important man, whose work is circulated by the great "not to encourage an attempt to profit by means above spoken of, that Moreau is fully "them immediately; and it was decided entitled to the honour of being ranked with that, as this General earnestly desired Georges and Pichegru in the memorable the presence of Pichegru in Paris, the plot of 1803, and that he was not hanged, latter should set out directly to concert but banished, and suffered to carry away a with him. Moreau in fact testified to brilliant fortune. If it be asked; if any "his early friend how happy he was to see one can ask, what crime he was guilty of, him, but he was far from guessing the I will not name any. I will content myself project which brought him, and still with a recapitulation of the facts.more so, that every thing was ready to What were they, then, as stated in this Me"realize it.Without disputing the moir? That, in 1803, England being at "NECESSITY OF THE RE-ESTAwar with France, Georges and PicheBLISHMENT OF THE BOURBON gru went from London to Paris, where, "FAMILY, Moreau still wished to pre- with divers others, they prepared a plot 66 pare for it by gradations, which should for CARRYING OFF the sovereign bring over his own party, in which he of that country, with whom England had "counted several republicans, to approve recently made a treaty of peace and friend"and second it. Pichegru, who had con- ship, and for libelling whom Mr. Peltier "certed every thing with Georges, and had recently been found guilty in the "who felt that any slowness of proceeding English Court of King's Bench, the Chief might occasion the loss of the latter, and Justice laying it down, that Buonaparte was "of the people whom he had collected for the sovereign of France in fact, and ought "the audacious enterprise in contempla- to be so considered by us; that Georges "tion, wished that Moreau should declare and Pichegru, being at Paris for this pur"himself immediately, and unconditionally pose, and having prepared the means for "bind himself to the cause, of which he putting it into execution, made known their 66 secrelly desired the success. At length designs to Moreau, who approved of those "Moreau, sacrificing his scruples to the designs; and who agreed to be ready, with "security of his friend, and to his warm his party, to protect them in the execution "entreaties, had agreed that those who of them; that the ultimate consequence was "had prepared the plan should execute it; to be the restoration of the Bourbons."and that in case of success, he should These are the facts. And, is it possible for place himself in advance with his party, any man, not divested of every just senti is to protect them against the measures ment, to deny, that, in only banishing Mo-. which the partisans of Buonaparté might reau, Napoleon discovered more magnani"take at the first moment to avenge him.mity than, in a like case, was to be ex"He decided too late: the police, en-pected even from the greatest of men? "lightened by what Guerelle revealed, "knew of the presence of Pichegru and Georges at Paris, and of their con"nexion with Moreau; the latter was "first arrested. All Europe knows "the details of this disastrous affair."

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Yes, the result is known, Georges was hanged; Pichegru hanged himself in prison; Moreau was banished; and great numbers of the inferior actors, with some of the principal ones, were pardoned. We are here relieved from the necessity of resorting to conjecture. Evidence itself would now be useless. All room for dispute and doubt are now completely removed; for here is the friend, the eulogist, the companion of the last months of Moreau's life; the identical man who was selected for

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As to its being the design of these men to CARRY OFF Buonaparte, every reader of common sense will laugh at the idea; and, I cannot refrain from believing, that the English translator, knowing the taste of his readers better than his Russian original, has made free with the text, putting carry off" for "take off." But, then comes the outrageous absurdity of the thing. To suppose, that Georges and Pichegru and Moreau, with a band of desperate men at their back; to suppose, that they could mean to take Napoleon away as a girl is carried away to Gretna Green, is something so farcical, that I will not longer dwell on it; but will leave the reader to characterize the real design; to put himself, for a moment, in the place of him against whom it

was meditated; to compare his conduct, upon this occasion, with that of other sovereigns under similar circumstances; and, then, to say whether Moreau had cause of complaint, and whether all history affords such a proof of magnanimity, as was here displayed by him, who is now the Emperor of the French. I will not waste many words upon the assertion of the Memoir, that a crowd of Generals, when they saw Moreau going to his trial, told him, that they had sworn on their swords to defend his life. Why did they not defend him from banish ment ? As in the case of Job, of old, I suppose, they gave him up to Napoleon with an injunction not to touch his life! If Napoleon "thirsted for his blood," as we are told he did, and if he was, as it is asserted, an absolute tyrant, what restrained him? Why was not that blood shed? And why did not the same sword swearing Generals save the lives of Generals Georges and Pichegru? Why was the latter "il"lustrious friend" of Moreau abandoned? That "illustrious friend," whom Moreau himself had denounced as a traitor, and whom he had afterwards embraced for the purpose of carrying off Buonaparte? Why was not he saved too ?What more need be said? The question is discussed. Let the reader decide.

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON'S LATE CAMPAIGNS.- -If we are to believe the conductors of the press in this country, we shall be forced at last to acknowledge, that the French Emperor is neither a brave soldier vor a profound politician; that he is, in fact, a coward; that all the victories which have attended him in his career, have been more the effect of low cunning than the fruits of superior military talents; that in his recent campaigns, which have proved so fatal to the glory of France, he displayed nothing but imbecility, and an unjustifiable contempt of his opponents; and that, for these reasons, he ought, and was, justly detested and abhorred by the French people, who were ready to submit to any sacrifice, provided they could get rid of him. This, we are gravely and positively assured, by the Times and the Courier, is the exact situation of Buonaparté; and, therefore, it is but reasonable, according to them, to conclude, that his downfall will be speedy and certain, and happiness and prosperity be secured to Europe, in the restoration of the balance of power which, these profound politicians

take it for granted, must result from Napoleon's overthrow. Were such advantages really to follow the humiliation of Buonaparté; were prosperity and happiness, even to half the extent which these advocates for the deliverance of Europe promise themselves, to be the consequence of confining France to her ancient boundaries, I should rejoice if the first accounts from the continent announced the overthrow of Napoleon, and the restoration of the Bourbons. But, entertaining no such sanguine views; being firmly persuaded, that the existence of France, as a great and independent nation, occupying an extent of territory equal, at least, to what she does at present, is essential to the safety and security of the other continental powers, I cannot subscribe to the opinion, that curtailing Buonaparte's empire, far less dethroning him, will promote the interests of humanity. But why should we trouble ourselves with calculations upon the effect of causes, until we have ascertained whether or not these causes exist? Why should we promise ourselves prosperity and happiness from an event which, as far as I can at present judge, has no other existence than in the brain of those who desire it? Are we certain that the French people are inimical to Buonaparté ? Are we sure that they are prepared to sccond the views of those who wish his overthrow? Can we rely upon its being the intention of his enemies to restore the Bourbons on his dethronement? Or is it absolutely certain that the Jacobins would not assume the reins of government, on that event taking place? Ever since the result of the battle of Leipsic was known, we have been amused with accounts, from high authority, of France being ready, to a man, to drive the "Corsican Usurper" from the throne, and of that people only waiting for the countenance of the Allies to restore the Bourbons. Every Frenchman's mind, we were told, was so completely estranged from the Buonapartean family, and the way to the throne for Louis XVIII. so secure, that there was not an individual in France who was not ready to shed the last drop of his blood in this holy cause.

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formity with these views, it was said, that the Confederates addressed their declaration to the French people on the 1st of December. To second this measure, it was thought necessary, not only to publish the Proclamation of Louis, the XVIIIth in this country, but to translate, and circulate thousands of printed copies of that document, through all the territory subject to

the sway of Buonaparté. Such unexampled | to separate their interests from Napoleon's. activity surely merited its reward. The They complained of his inordinate ambivoluntary exertions of men actuated, as tion, they attributed all the evils with they pretended, by a motive so pure as that which Europe has been afflicted, to this of restoring thirty millions of people to li- cause; and, in order, evidently, to induce berty; of breaking the chains with which his adherents to desert his fortunes, they they had been so long held in thraldom, held out the prospect of securing to France and restoring them to that elevated rank a greater extent of territory than she ever which they are entitled to hold among na- enjoyed under her former kings. Again, tions, could not expect less than complete when we look at the Proclamation of the success as the consequence of their merito- Bourbons, we find that every thing was to rious efforts. In these flattering views, be conceded to the people, which their however, we find that these restorers of the heart could desire; and that, in addition rights of men have hitherto been disap- to the many advantages they enjoyed by pointed: the magic effect expected to be virtue of the Napoleon Code, their reliproduced by their different appeals is yet to gion, of which they had been deprived be felt; and all Frenchmen, as far as can under the reign of terror, and which Buobe discovered, seem disposed, by their naparté had not recognised to its fullest conduct, to negative the assertion, that they extent, was to be restored. It might have were hostile towards the existing govern- been expected, that documents which proment. Instead of shewing any disposition mised to secure so many blessings to the to break in pieces their chains, they appear French nation, would have been hailed by to embrace them the closer; and if private that people with delight; that they would accounts, recently received, as to the state have received with rapture these harbingers of France, are to be relied on, the call of the restoration of a family, under whose which Buonaparté has made upon his sub- sway they were to realize all that the poets jects to arm and repel their invaders, has not had depicted as peculiar to the golden age. been made in vain. In these accounts it is But no; this stupid, this incorrigible peostated, that "large founderies for the ma- ple are insensible to these advantages. "nufacture of arms of all descriptions are Though we are constantly assured, that "working with great rapidity" in several their government is more tyrannical, and departments of France; that "considerable more despotic, than all other governments "quantities of artillery are collected;" that put together; though the news-papers all "numerous detachments of troops, many agree in telling us, that they are the "of whom are not such mere boys as had most miserable, the most abject, and "been represented," are marching in all the most wretched people existing on the directions; that these troops are 66 perfect- face of the earth; that, in fact, they "ly disciplined," and are composed partly dare neither eat, drink, nor think, with veteran cavalry, well mounted,' and out permission from Buonaparte; yet that their horses are "apparently in good amidst all this moral and political degrada"condition."--How is all this? Whence tion, and which truly forms a striking is it that this activity has arisen ? Is it for contrast to what they were only a few years the purpose of overturning the throne of ago; the French nation are so much wedded Buonaparté? No; for we find that it is to despotism, and so deeply in love with the consequence of his activity? Is it, their oppressor, that they actually refuse then, to restore the Bourbons? No; for it to be delivered, and reject, in scornful siis openly avowed, that it is the determina- lence, the boon of emancipation which has tion of Frenchmen to resist, with these very been offered them. Taking experience for arms, all attempts to alter their form of our guide, we might have supposed that government. From all this I am appre- past events would have convinced the enehensive that the French have been lately mies of Napoleon, that it was folly to atthinking of their situation, and comparing tempt to supplant him by means of the notes; that they have been drawing con- Bourbons. But this far from being the trasts between the condition of their fathers case:-Determined to force a King upon under the reign of the Capets, and their France of their own choosing, and indigown situation under Buonaparté. On turn- nant at the conduct of that people for reing our attention to the Proclamation of the jecting their proffered mercy, they are reAllies, it must be admitted, however well gardless of experience; their arrogant pride we may think of it, that it was their object will not permit them to concede that they in publishing it to persuade the French people are wrong; and they cling to their favourite

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project of destroying Buonaparté, even after hope itself is gone. With this view the Times newspaper lately put forth a manifesto, in which it is attempted to depreciate the military character of Buonaparté, for the professed purpose of exciting a revolt among his subjects. All his splendid successes are represented to have been the fruits of his cunning and intrigue; his maintaining his position on the Elbe, in spite of the storm which was gathering around him, is ascribed to foolish temerity; his return to Paris after the battle of Leipsic, is regarded as proof of his cowardice; and a charge is preferred against him of having created a fictitious famine in France, by monopolizing the corn, for the double purpose of screening himself from the vengeance of his subjects, which was ready to burst upon him, and to give facility to the Conscription, which it is asserted, was "filled up by the actual fear of famine." If these accusations are well founded, is it credible that the French nation should be ignorant of them? and if acquainted with them, is it possible that, believing them, they should not inflict a signal punishment upon the author of the calamities to which they have given birth ?-So far, however, from the sufferings which are alleged to have arisen from these supposed enormities, having incensed the French against their Emperor, his conduct seems to have endeared him the more to them. There were obvious reasons for submitting to his yoke when victory followed his footsteps, and when nearly a million of soldiers were devoted to his service; but now that the tide of fortune has turned against him; that at the moment he returned to his capital, not as a conqueror, but humiliated by defeat, and with only a handful of men to support him, he should not only be received and acknowledged as the lawful sovereign of the French Empire, but new levies be raised to give stability to his government; are circumstances that can only be accounted for by admitting, that all that we have been told about the predilection of Frenchmen in favour of the Bourbons, is false; and that the charge of cowardice and other imputations thrown upon Buonaparte's character, by a vile and prostituted press, are disbelieved in France, and entirely without foundation. It is a melancholy truth that there are people so besotted in this country, as to give implicit credit to these falsehoods, and who would even assent to other fabrications, ten times more absurd, upon the bare statement of such

newspapers as the Times and the Courier, rather than give themselves the trouble of exercising their own judgment, even for a single moment. Thinking appears to them the greatest of all evils, which they are always desirous to avoid, lest, perchance, they might discover something connected with their favourite project, the deliverance of Europe, neither congenial with their feelings, nor with their interest. But while these men enjoy their fancied security, let us not shrink from the vindication even of an enemy, when he is wantonly abused; but let us on all occasions be forward to undeceive the less credulous, who may be honest in their inquiries after truth; but who, in this age of abominable deception, in which sophistry and cunning are paramount, may find the inquiry somewhat difficult.- -As to the charge brought against Buonaparté, of having monopolized all the corn in France, for the purpose of compelling his subjects to comply with his measures, it is a sufficient answer, that it rests upon the bare assertion of the writer of the Times.No authority is referred to in support of the accusation. Having been advanced as a matter of fact, and not as a vague speculation, it was incumbent upon this writer to mention the source of his information, that others might have it in their power to examine it. His silence upon this essential particular shows that the story is of a piece with what has been so often said, and as often disproved, about Buonaparte poisoning his sick at Jaffa. Besides, had France been lately afflicted with a famine, all Europe must have heard of it; yet we find that every press in Europe has been silent as to this occurrence, except the press of this country. But we are told that it is impossible to justify the conduct of Buonaparte in his iuvasion of Russia, for that heaven manifested its displeasure at his impious attempt by destroying his army. Well then, if it was heaven that defeated his purpose, how is Buonaparte to be blamed for this? or why are the French people to drive him from his throne, because a power, which nò mortal can resist, chose to fight against him? It would seem, if any thing is to be inferred from this circumstance, that it was not with Buonaparte that the Almighty was offended, but with the people of France, for it was his subjects and not himself that heaven sacrificed in its wrath. If it is insisted that Buonaparte was preserved to convince him of the folly of his conquests, ought not this to afford a striking lesson to

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