of the late Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, who was long a highly distinguished member of this body.

Resolved, That the Senate will manifest its respect for the memory of the deceased, and its sympathy with his bereaved family, by wearing the usual badge of mourning for thirty days.

Resolved, That these proceedings be communicated to the House of Representatives.

II.

MR. BUTLER.

Mr. PRESIDENT: This is an occasion full of interesting but melancholy associations, and one that especially appeals to my feelings and sense of justice-I might almost say historical justice as a representative of South Carolina. Who, that were present, can ever forget the mournful and imposing occasion when Daniel Webster, whose eloquence and ability had given distinction to the greatest deliberative assembly and the most august tribunal of justice in this great Confederacy; and when Henry Clay -a name associated with all that is daring in action and splendid in eloquence-rose as witnesses before the tribunal of history, and gave their testimony as to the character and services of their illustrious compeer, John Caldwell Calhoun? They embalmed in historical immortality their rival, associate, and comrade.

I would that I could borrow from the spirit of my great countryman something of its justice and magnanimity, that I might make some requital for the distinguished tributes paid to his memory by his illustrious compeers. Such an occasion as the one I have referred to, is without parallel in the history of this Senate; and, sir, I fear that there is no future for such another one. Calhoun, Clay, and Webster-like Pitt, Fox, and Burke-have made a picture onour history that will be looked upon as its culminating splendor. They were luminaries that, in many points of

view, essentially differed from each other, as one star differeth from another; but they were all stars of the first magnitude. Distance cannot destroy, nor can time diminish the simple splendor of their light for the guidance and instruction of an admiring posterity.

Rivals they were on a great and eventful theatre of political life; but death has given them a common fame.

Eadem arena,

Communis virtus, atque perennis decus,

Victrix causa parem meritis et victa favorem
Vindicat, æternum vivere fama dedit.

Their contest in life was for the awards of public opinion -the great lever in modern times by which nations are to be moved.

"With more than mortal powers endow'd,
How high they soar'd above the crowd!
Theirs was no common party race,
Jostling by dark intrigue for place:
Like fabled gods, their mighty war
Shook realms and nations in its jar!"

Before I became a member of the Senate, of which I found Mr. Webster a distinguished ornament, I had formed a very high estimate of his abilities-and from various sources of high authority. His mind, remarkable for its large capacity, was enriched with rare endowments—with the knowledge of a statesman, the learning of a jurist, and the attainments of a scholar. In this Chamber, with unsurpassed ability, Mr. Webster has discussed the greatest subjects that have influenced, or can influence, the destinies of this great Confederacy. Well may I apply to him the striking remark which he bestowed on Mr. Calhoun: "We saw before us a Senator of Rome, when Rome survived."

I have always regarded Mr. Webster as a noble model of a parliamentary debater. His genial temper, the courtesy and dignity of his deportment, his profound knowledge of his subject, and his thorough preparation, not only gave him a great command over his immediate audience, but gave his masterly speeches an impressive influence upon public opinion.

In the Supreme Court, Mr. Webster was engaged in the

greatest cases that were ever decided by that tribunal; and it is not saying too much to assert that his arguments formed the basis of some of the ablest judgments of that court. His exuberant but rectified imagination, and brilliant literary attainments, imparted to his eloquence beauty, simplicity, and majesty, and the finish of taste and elaboration. He seemed to prefer the more deliberative style of speaking; but, when roused and assailed, he became a formidable adversary in the war of debate, discharging from his full quiver the arrows of sarcasm and invective with telling effect.

Mr. Webster was born in a forest, and, in his childhood and youth, lived amid the scenes of rural life; and it was no doubt under their inspiring influence that he imbibed that love of Nature which has given such a charm and touching pathos to some of his meditative productions. It always struck me that he had something of Burns's nature, but controlled by the discipline of a higher education. Lifted above the ordinary level of mankind by his genius and intelligence, Mr. Webster looked upon a more extensive horizon than could be seen by those below him. He had too much information, from his large and varied intercourse with great men, and his acquaintance with the opinions of all ages through the medium of books, to allow the spirit of bigotry to have a place in his mind. I have many reasons to conclude that he was not only tolerant of the opinions of others, but was even generous in his judgments toward them. I will conclude by saying that New England, especially, and the Confederacy at large, have cause to be proud of the fame of such a man.

III.

MR. CASS.

Mr. PRESIDENT: HOW ARE THE MIGHTY FALLEN! was the pathetic lamentation when the leaders of Israel were struck down in the midst of their services and of their

renown. Well may we repeat that national wail, How ARE THE MIGHTY FALLEN! when the impressive dispensations of Providence have so recently carried mourning to the hearts of the American people, by summoning from life to death three of their eminent citizens, who, for almost half a century, had taken part-and prominently, too—in all the great questions, as well of peace as of war, which agitated and divided their country. Full, indeed, they were of days and of honors, for

"The hand of the reaper

Took the ears that were hoary,"

but never brighter in intellect, purer in patriotism, nor more powerful in influence, than when the grave closed upon their labors, leaving their memory and their career at once an incentive and an example for their countrymen in that long course of trial-but I trust of freedom and prosperity, also-which is open before us. Often divided in life, but only by honest convictions of duty, followed in a spirit of generous emulation, and not of personal opposition, they are now united in death; and we may appropriately adopt, upon this striking occasion, the beautiful language addressed to the people of England by one of her most gifted sons, when they were called to mourn, as we are called now, a bereavement which spread sorrowdismay almost-through the nation, and under、 circumstances of difficulty and of danger far greater than any we can now reasonably anticipate in the progress of our history:

"Seek not for those a separate doom,
Whom fate made brothers in the tomb;
But search the land of living men:
Where shall we find their like again?"

And to-day, in the consideration of the message of the Chief Magistrate, it becomes us to respond to his annunciation-commending itself, as it does, to the universal sentiment of the country-of the death of the last of these lamented statesmen, as a national misfortune. This mark

of respect and regret was due alike to the memory of the dead and to the feelings of the living. And I have listened with deep emotion to the eloquent testimonials to the

mental power, and worth, and services of the departed patriot, which to-day have been heard in this high place, and will be heard to-morrow, and commended, too, by the American people. The voice of party is hushed in the presence of such a national calamity, and the grave closes upon the asperity of political contests when it closes upon those who have taken part in them. And well may we, who have so often witnessed his labors and his triumphswell may we, here, upon this theatre of his services and his renown, recalling the efforts of his mighty understanding, and the admiration which always followed its exertion -well may we come with our tribute of acknowledgment to his high and diversified powers, and to the influence he exercised upon his auditory, and, in fact, upon his country. He was, indeed, one of those remarkable men who stand prominently forward upon the canvas of history, impressing their characteristics upon the age in which they live, and almost making it their own by the force of their genius and by the splendor of their fame. The time which elapsed between the middle of the eighteenth century and our own day was prolific of great events and of distinguished men, who guided or were guided by them, far beyond any other equal period in the history of human society. But, in my opinion, even this favored epoch has produced no man possessing a more massive and gigantic intellect, or who exhibited more profound powers of investigation in the great department of political science to which he devoted himself, in all its various ramifications, than Daniel Webster.

The structure of his mind seemed peculiarly adapted to the work he was called upon to do, and he did it as no other man of his counrty-of his age, indeed-could have done it. And his name and his fame are indissolubly connected with some of the most difficult and important questions which our peculiar institutions have called into discussion. It was my good fortune to hear him upon one of the most memorable of these occasions, when, in this very hall, filled to overflowing with an audience whose rapt attention indicated his power and their expectations, he entered into an analysis of the Constitution, and of the great principles of our political organization, with a vigor