The federal Union and Constitution are dearly and wisely prized by them as a sacred trust bequeathed by their forefathers, and ought not to be yielded in the spirit of compromise or concession to that system of cruelty and iniquity, human slavery, which has been the blot on your national reputation. We mourn with you over the desolation that civil war is making among the families and homes of your people who gave their choicest sons, their bravest brothers, their best beloved of earth, and who are still heroically struggling to save the national life with all that freemen hold dear and that brave men cling to-equal, civil, and political liberty for men of all races and countries-and we believe that they will succeed. Already, during the term of your past presidency, you have conquered for freedom an area of one million three hundred thousand square miles, which three years ago was claimed by the rebels, and doubtless your brave and patriotic armies will, ere long, wrest the remaining three hundred and fifty thousand square miles from the grasp of the slaveholders' confederacy. · ter. We rejoice in your re-election because we have observed in your presidential career a grand simplicity of purpose and a patriotism that knows no danger, and which does not falWe have recognized in you an honest endeavor faithfully to do the work of your great office, and, in doing it a brightness of personal honor on which no adversary has as yet been able to fix a stain. We believe that you have been raised up by the providence of God to rescue your nation from anarchy, disruption, and ruin. By this election your people have pledged to the world their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors, that they will redeem your great country from the crime and curse of slavery; that it shall, indeed, and, without exception, be the home of the free and the brave, and that its government, in form and in administration, shall continue to be the best and freest, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of man that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. We have deplored the undisguised sympathy which has been manifested towards the slave confederacy in this country, but we rejoice to be able to assure you that, from the very commencement of the struggle, the great majority of the working classes, and no inconsiderable proportion of the middle class, together with the profoundest thinkers of our country, have been true to the principles of right and liberty, and, by their united voice, have prevented any hostile action on the part of those who were only too anxious to recognize an empire based upon the "corner-stone" of slavery. We are not unmindful of the fact that, in advocating the full and complete adoption of the principles of civil, religious, and political liberty, the destinies of the peoples of this nation and of America are inseparably linked together; and we believe that we declare the conviction of all intelligent, honest, and unprejudiced lovers of liberty and justice, when we express our unshaken faith that you will crush the rebellion, restore the Union, maintain your national integrity, and thereby secure the priceless heritage of freedom to your people throughout all generations. Adopted by the Auxiliary Executive of the Union and Emancipation Society, Oldham, December 10, 1864. THOMAS EMMETT, President. Resolved, That the address adopted by the Executive of the Union and Emancipation Society be accepted as the expression of opinion of the friends of union and emancipation in Oldham, and that a copy thereof be sent to his excellency Charles Francis Adams, with a request that he will transmit it to President Lincoln, on our behalf, together with this resolution. No. 1214.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 31, 1864. SIR: Your despatch of the 16th of December, No. 833, has been received, and I have read with much interest the account which accompanies it of a trial in the exchequer between two gamblers, upon the question which should suffer the loss incurred in an unsuccessful attempt to run our blockade, in violation of the laws and honor of Great Britain. Baron Martin seems to be of the sort of judge that Shakspeare illustrates in the Merchant of Venice. I presume it would be expecting too much were we to anticipate that the exposé made in this trial would exert any favorable influence upon the British mind in regard to international obligations. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., Sr., Sr., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 1215.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 31, 1864. SIR: Your despatch of the 16th of December, No. 835, has been received. The Emancipation Society of London has anticipated the definitive process of the national election in their congratulatory address to the President. But he thinks that this circumstance would not justify him in assuming the result of a re-election before it is constitutionally ascertained and declared in Congress. You will please make this explanation to the society, together with an assurance that the President is profoundly moved by the sentiments of good will towards him and towards our country which they have expressed. You will make a similar answer to the Newmilus Anti-slavery Society. I suppose it hardly necessary to repeat, on this occasion, the instructions given early in your mission, that whatever passes from this department, or your legation, to any portion of the British people, ought first to be made known to Earl Russell. Your reply to the delegates of the Emancipation Society was just and felici SIR: You know how, in the beginning of our unhappy civil commotion, this government declined to go before foreign nations as arbitrators in the strife. That forbearance was suggested not more by what was thought to be a proper sense of self-respect, than by a conviction that foreign partisanship might exasperate and prolong the strife, and ultimately, perhaps, enlarge the theatre of war. Our prudence was not fully appreciated, either by her Majesty's government or by the British people. The whole British empire seems now to be agitated by clashing sympathies. Under these circumstances it may be apprehended that the legation at London may accidentally become embarrassed by contentions of British subjects concerning our affairs. Desiring to avoid any such mischievous complication, it is thought here that you may henceforward decline to give personal audience to delegations, and may transmit all papers to this department for special instruction. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 1219.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 1, 1865. SIR: The new year opens on Sunday; we shall celebrate it to-morrow, Mon. day; I must, therefore, close the European mail to-day. The land and naval expedition delivered its attack on the 24th and 25th ultimo. The dangerous explosion of the powder-ship was accomplished with complete success, but absolutely without effect. The naval attack on Fort Fisher was eminently vigorous. About four thousand troops were landed safely, leaving as many more of transports. General Weitzel made a reconnoissance, which satisfied him that an assault could not be wisely undertaken. The troops on shore were re-embarked, and the whole land force returned to the James river. RearAdmiral Porter, who commanded the fleet, seems not to have been convinced that the withdrawal of the troops was indispensably necessary. The fleet, according to latest advices, remains at the mouth of the Cape Fear river. The public mind is disappointed, but not seriously disturbed. Except in regard to these incidents, the news of the past week are pleasing echoes of the capture of Savannah, by Sherman; the rout of Hood, with his flight across the Tennessee into Alabama; the destruction of insurgent communications and military deposits in eastern Tennessee and southwestern Virginia, by Burbridge; a successful raid from Baton Rouge towards Mobile, and an equally beneficial reconnoissance by Sheridan on the Orange and Alexandria railroad. We are looking for new military movements, with as little delay as the variable winter weather will allow. Some of the St. Albans' felons have been captured in New Hampshire. The Canadian authorities are active, but thus far there has been no delivery of offenders to us for punishment, nor have any judicial proceedings been instituted, to vindicate British sovereignty in Canada. Congress is still adjourned. I have answered the representative of the Brazilian government in the case of the Florida. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. (Same, mutatis mutandis, to all our principal ministers in Europe.) Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 1221.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 1, 1865. SIR: Your despatch of the 16th ultimo, No. 832, informing me that you had transmitted to Lord Russell the information contained in General Dix's letter, respecting the rebel organization at Marysburgh, Prince Edward's county, in Canada, has been received and approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 850.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, January 5, 1865. SIR: Despatches from the department, numbered from 1190 to 1194, in clusive, have been received at this legation. The most important of these are Nos. 1190 and 1194, which relate to the state of things between the countries growing out of the outrages committed along the borders of Canada, and the action of the judge in releasing the perpetrators. I am directed to communicate to Lord Russell the remarks contained in No. 1194, but I am, at the same time, authorized to exercise my own judgment as to the form and extent to which this is to be done. Upon the most careful reflection which I have been able to give to the whole subject as it is now presented to me on this side of the water, I have concluded to exercise the discretion vested in me so far as to desist from acting, at least for a little while. My reasons are these: The action of Judge Coursal upon the question submitted to him has led not only to a very general expression of disapprobation here, but it has also prompted a most unequivocal condemnation of the outrage itself. There appears to be little difference of opinion in the public press on this subject. I am convinced that if any repetition of it should be attempted it will go far to stop all further open sympathy with the rebel cause. Any penalty which may be inflicted upon the perpetrators will be approved and justified. I have directed a copy of The Times" to be sent to you, containing a leader on the subject, which bears evident marks of authority. A similar leader, even more decided in tone, appeared simultaneously in the evening paper, "The Globe." I may say that public sentiment has been more nearly right on this question, than upon any since I have held this post. 66 Moreover, I consider the assurances of Lord Russell, as given to me in the conversation, a report of which I sent to you in my despatch of last week, No. 846, as in substance containing a favorable answer to much if not all that has been desired by the government. Since I sent that despatch his lordship has submitted to me his report of that same conversation as he sent it to Mr. Hume Burnley, and I find I have a little understated the strength of his language, an error which I would rather commit than its opposite. I send copies of the notes that passed, in order to show that I purposely marked to him my sense of the difference. The President's immediate revocation of that part of General Dix's order to which his lordship took exception, seems to leave the matter in the best possible condition, at least so far as the disposition of the British government is concerned. Under these circumstances if I were to go on making more representations just now, it appears to me that the effect would be only to betray an offensive doubt of the sincerity of its profes sions. I shall, however, in the course of the next few weeks, seize opportunities to communicate the substance of the information contained in your despatch No. 1194, as they may occur. I shall, moreover, make more occasions to meet with Lord Russell, particularly since I have received, in a private way, intimations that in the absence of Lord Lyons it would be convenient. I find by a notice in this morning's papers that Captain Corbet, the person who took charge of the Sea King on her voyage out, has been at last traced out and arrested by order of the government for a violation of the enlistment law. This incident, of which his lordship's reply to my note of the 18th of November last on the subject held out no promise, is another favorable symptom of the animus of the government. I am well aware of the extent of the irritation of the people along the line of the boundary, very justly excited by these atrocious enterprises. I find no disposition in the public press here to find fault with that. If it should prove to have had the effect of stimulating the government here to quicken its preventive action, it will not be a matter to be regretted. But I cannot withhold the expression of a hope that it may not so far precipitate the movements of the representative bodies as to hazard the very event happening, which these operations were intended to bring about-the complication of differences with foreign powers with the efforts to suppress the rebellion. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 1. The Times, January 4, 1865. 2. The Globe, January 2, 1865. [Enclosures.] 3. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, January 2, 1865. 7. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, November 19, 1864. Earl Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE, January 2, 1865. Lord Russell presents his compliments to Mr. Adams, and wishing to be quite assured of his correctness of his report of the conversation he held with Mr. Adams on Wednesday last, the 28th ultimo, has the honor to transmit to him the accompanying copy of the despatch which he has addressed to Mr. Burnley, her Majesty's chargé d'affaires at Washington. Earl Russell to Mr. Burnley. FOREIGN OFFICE, December 29, 1864. SIR: Yesterday, the 28th, Mr. Adams called upon me, by his own desire, at the Foreign Office. He expressed to me, by the order of his government, the great regret felt by them at the departure of Lord Lyons, and offered to show me a letter of Mr. Seward to Lord Lyons testifying that regret. I told him that equal regret was felt on our side, and that nothing but the failing health of Lord Lyons would have induced her Majesty's government to consent to his temporary departure. Mr. Adams promised to send me a copy of the letter of Mr. Seward. Mr. Adams then spoke to me of two or three matters of very little importance; and finally entered on that which he said was the chief object of his seeking an interview with me, namely, the border raids which had been executed, or were in preparation, from Canada. Mr. Adams said my last letter to him had contained assurances so positive and unequivocal that he should not have asked me for any further declarations had he not received, by the last packet, positive injunctions to make to me certain communications. The documents which he then put into my hands, aud of which I send you copies, consisted mainly of 1. An intercepted letter, written by a confederate partisan from Canada, not signed, but evidently authentic. This letter, written before the re-election of President Lincoln, shows that although the particular raid or foray against St. Albans was not directed by the confederate government, yet the general plan of burning towns and robbing banks in the frontier States of the United States was concerted and approved by the confederate authorities. The failure of the attempt to burn the banks and houses of St. Albans is attributed to some defect in the chemical preparation which had been used. 2. The next document contains evidence that the town of Windsor, in Canada, had been fixed upon by the confederates for the preparation and manufacture of a chemical material to be used in setting on fire the towns and villages of the United States. 3. The third set of documents contain a letter of the Assistant Secretary of War to Mr. Seward, enclosing, for such action as might be considered necessary, a copy of a letter of General Dix, in which he states that he has information on which he can rely, that a confederate regiment, namely, Colonel Butler's regiment of Kentucky cavalry, was to be furloughed into Canada for the purpose of disturbing, from that neutral position, the frontiers of the United States. Mr Adams, after I had read these documents, said that Mr. Seward had directed him to put them into my hands, in order that her Majesty's government might take such measures as were required by our own declarations of neutrality, and the relations of amity subsisting between the two nations. I said that I had already assured him, in the letter to which he had alluded, that her Majesty's government would adopt such measures as may be required, and may be effective for the maintenance of her Majesty's declared neutrality. That one of the measures to which I meant to refer was a direction already sent to the governor general of Canada, to propose to his legislature a measure similar to the United States act of Congress of 1838. That whatever technical grounds may have been found for delivering from custody the St. Albans raiders, all the highest law authorities in this country concurred in thinking, that any act done in Canada in violation of her Majesty's neutrality, and in disobedience to her Majesty's proclamation, would be illegal. That it remained for her Majesty's government to give such directions and adopt such measures as might insure the punishment of persons guilty of such illegal acts, and prevent the repetition of such acts for the future. I said her Majesty's government were fully aware of their international duties, and had determined to perform them. |