of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were | Mexico and some of the South American at first disposed to call their party the republics, there would be even a wider Democratic-Republicans, but finally called field for them here than there. it simply Republican, to avoid the opposite of the extreme which they charged against the Federalists. Each party had its taunts in use, the Federalists being denounced as monarchists, the Anti-Federalists as Democrats; the one presumed to be looking forward to monarchy, the other to the rule of the mob.

By 1793 partisan lines under the names of Federalists and Republicans, were plainly drawn, and the schism in the cabinet was more marked than ever. Personal ambition may have had much to do with it, for Washington had previously shown his desire to retire to private life. While he remained at the head of affairs he was unwilling to part with Jefferson and Hamilton, and did all in his power to bring about a reconciliation, but without success. Before the close of the first constitutional Presidency, however, Washington had become convinced that the people desired him to accept a re-election, and he was accordingly a candidate and unanimously chosen. John Adams was re-elected Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Republican candidate. Soon after the inauguration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the French republic, arrived and sought to excite the sympathy of the United States and involve it in a war with Great Britain. Jefferson and his Republican party warmly sympathized with France, and insisted that gratitude for revolutionary favors commanded aid to France in her struggles. The Federalists, under Washington and Hamilton. favored non-intervention, and insisted that we should maintain friendly relations with Great Britain. Washington showed his usual firmness, and before the expiration of the month in which Genet arrived, had issued his celebrated proclamation of neutrality. This has ever since been the accepted foreign policy of the

nation.

The French agitation showed its impress upon the nation as late as 1794, when a resolution to cut off intercourse with Great Britain passed the House, and was defeated in the Senate only by the casting vote of the Vice-President. Many people favored France, and to such silly heights did the excitement run that these insisted on wearing a national cockade. Jefferson had left the cabinet the December previous, and had retired to his plantation in Virginia, where he spent his leisure in writing political essays and organizing the Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged founder. Here he escaped the errors of his party in Congress, but it was a potent fact that his friends in official station not only did not endorse the nonintervention policy of Washington, but that they actively antagonized it in many ways. The Congressional leader in these movements was Mr. Madison. The policy of Britain fed this opposition. The forts on Lake Erie were still occupied by the British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of 1783; American vessels were seized on their way to French ports, and American citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, Washington sent John Jay as special envoy to England. He arrived in June, 1794, and by November succeeded in making a treaty. It was ratified in June, 1795, by the Senate by the constitutional majority of two-thirds, though there was much declamatory opposition, and the feeling between the Federal and Republican parties ran higher than ever before. The Republicans denounced while the Federals congratulated Washington. Under this treaty the British surrendered possession of all American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne during the previous summer had conquered the war-tribes and completed a treaty with them, the country was again on the road to prosperity.

In Washington's message of 1794, he Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this plainly censured all "self-created political proclamation, threatened to appeal to the societies," meaning the democratic sopeople, and made himself so obnoxious to cieties formed by Genet, but this part of Washington that the latter demanded his the message the House refused to endorse, recall. The French government sent M. the speaker giving the casting vote in the Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- negative. The Senate was in harmony tinued to reside in the United States, and with the political views of the President. under his inspiration a number of Demo- Party spirit had by this time measurably cratic Societies, in imitation of the French affected all classes of the people, and as Jacobin clubs, were founded, but like all subjects for agitation here multiplied, the such organizations in this country, they opposition no longer regarded Washingwere short-lived. Secret political societies ton with that respect and decorum which thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- it had been the rule to manifest. His wislics like ours they can only live when the dom as President, his patriotism, and ingreat parties are in confusion and greatly deed his character as a man, were all divided. They disappear with the union hotly questioned by political enemies. He of sentiment into two great parties. If was even charged with corruption in exthere were many parties and factions, as in pending more of the public moneys than

had been appropriated-charges which were | courage, and prepared to win in the Presisoon shown to be groundless.

At the first session of Congress in December, 1795, the Senate's administration majority had increased, but in the House the opposing Republicans had also increased their numbers. The Senate by 14 to 8 endorsed the message; the House at first refused but finally qualified its an

swers.

In March, 1796, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr. Livingstone of New York, who offered a resolution requesting of the President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the treaty with Great Britain. After a debate of several days, more bitter than any which had preceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Republicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer, took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the President.

dential battle which followed. Both parties were plainly arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of both were elected-John Adams, the nominee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who received the highest number of electoral votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the Federal nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38-a loss of popularity which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions which our forefathers had of this man were the best.

John Adams was inaugurated as President in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, March 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to deny the charge that the Federal party had any sympathy for England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of Washington as to strict neutralThis answer, now universally accepted ity. To this extent he sought to soften the as the proper one, yet excited the House asperities of the parties, and measurably and increased political animosities. The succeeded, though the times were still Republicans charged the Federals with stormy. The French revolution had being the "British party," and in some reached its highest point, and our people instances hinted that they had been pur- still took sides. Adams found he would chased with British gold. Indignation have to arm to preserve neutrality and at meetings were called, but after much the same time punish the aggression of sound and fury, it was ascertained that the either of the combatants. This was our people really favored abiding by the treaty first exhibition of "armed neutrality." in good faith, and finally the House, after An American navy was quickly raised, and more calm and able debates, passed the every preparation made for defending the needed legislation to carry out the treaty rights of Americars. An alliance with by a vote of 51 to 48. France was refused, after which the In August, 1796, prior to the meeting American Minister was dismissed and the of the Congressional caucus which then French navy began to cripple our trade. placed candidates for the Presidency in In May, 1797, President Adams felt it his nomination, Washington issued his cele- duty to call an extra session of Congress, brated Farewell Address, in which he gave which closed in July. The Senate apnotice that he would retire from public proved of negotiations for reconciliation life at the expiration of his term. He had with France. They were attempted but been solicited to be a candidate for re- proved fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval election (a third term) and told that all armament was authorized, and soon several the people could unite upon him—a state- French vessels were captured before there ment which, without abating one jot, our was any declaration of war. Indeed, neithadmiration for the man, would doubtless er power declared war, and as soon as have been called in question by the Re-France discovered how earnest the Ameripublicans, who had become implacably cans were she made overtures for an adhostile to his political views, and who were justment of difficulties, and these resulted encouraged to believe they could win con- in the treaty of 1800. trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly increasing power in the House. Yet the address was everywhere received with marks of admiration. Legislatures commended it by resolution and ordered it to be engrossed upon their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its plain doctrines the Federalists took new

The Republicans, though warmly favoring a contest, did not heartily support that inaugurated by Adams, and contended after this that the militia and a small naval force were sufficient for internal defense. They denounced the position of the Federals, who favored the enlargement of the army and navy, as measures calculated to

overawe public sentiment in time of peace. | politica. thought and action. They were The Federals, however, through their the immediate cause of the Kentucky and prompt resentment of the aggressions of Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jefferson beFrance, had many adherents to their ing the author of the former and Madison party. They organized their power and of the latter. sought to perpetuate it by the passage of the alien and sedition, and a naturaliza

which should be President or Vice-Presi- | from internal and external sources, and to

increase expenditures, as the growth of the country demanded. Though it passed out of power in a cloud of intrigue and in a vain grasp at the "flesh-pots," it yet had a glorious history, and one which none untinctured with the better prejudices of that day, can avoid admiring.

dent, and the election had to go to the House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to Adams and 64 to Pinckney. The Republicans could have done the same, but Burr's intrigue and ambition prevented this, and the result was a protracted contest in the House, and one which put the country in great peril, but which plainly pointed The defeat of Adams was not unexpectout some of the imperfections of the elec-ed by him, yet it was greatly regretted by toral features of the Constitution. The his friends, for he was justly regarded as Federalists proposed to confess the inabil- second to no other civilian in the estabity of the House to agree through the vote | lishment of the liberties of the colonies. by States, but to this proposition the Republicans threatened armed resistance. The Federalists next attempted a combination with the friends of Aaron Burr, but this specimen of bargaining to deprive a nominee of the place to which it was the plain intention of his party to elect him, really contributed to Jefferson's popularity, if not in that Congress, certainly before the people. He was elected on the 36th ballot. The bitterness of this strife, and the dangers which similar ones threatened, led to an abandonment of the system of each Elector voting for two, the highest to be President, the next highest Vice-President, and an amendment was offered to the Constitution, and fully ratified by September 25, 1804, requiring the electors to ballot separately for President and Vice-President.

Jefferson was the first candidate_nominated by a Congressional caucus. It convened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nominated Jefferson for President and Burr for Vice-President. Adams and Pinckney were not nominated, but ran and were accepted as natural leaders of their party, just as Washington and Adams were before them.

He was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed natural eloquence, and made the most famous speech in advocacy of the Declaration. Though the proceedings of the Revolutionary Congress were secret, and what was said never printed, yet Webster gives his version of the noted speech of Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III. of this volume as one of the great speeches of noted American orators.

Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated the third President, in the new capitol at Washington, on the 4th of March, 1801, and VicePresident Burr took his seat in the Senate the same day. Though Burr distinctly disavowed any participancy in the House contest, he was distrusted by Jefferson's warm friends, and jealousies rapidly cropped out. Jefferson endeavored through his inaugural to smooth factious and party asperities, and so well were his words chosen that the Federalists indulged, the hope that they would not be removed from office because of their political views.

Early in June, however, the first question of civil service was raised. Mr. Jefferson then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Federalist, from the Collectorship of New Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop, a Republican, to the place. The citizens remonstrated, saying that Goodrich was prompt, reliable and able, and showed that his successor was 78 years old, and too infirm for the duties of the office. To these remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of July 12th, replied in language which did not then, as he did later on, plainly assert the right of every administration to have its friends in office. We quote the following:

Downfall of the Federal Party. This contest broke the power of the Federal party. It had before relied upon the rare sagacity and ability of its leaders, but the contest in the House developed such attempts at intrigue as disgusted many and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton having early showed his dislike to Adams. As a party the Federal had been peculiarly brave at times when high bravery was "Declarations by myself, in favor of needed. It had framed the Federal Gov-political tolerance, exhortations to harernment and stood by the powers given it mony and affection in social intercourse, until they were too firmly planted for even and respect for the equal rights of the newer and triumphant partisans to reck- minority, have, on certain occasions, been lessly trifle with. It stood for non-inter- quoted and misconstrued into assurances ference with foreign nations against the that the tenure of office was not to be diseloquence of adventurers, the mad impulses turbed. But could candor apply such a of mobs, the generosity of new-born free-construction? When it is considered that, men, the harangues of demagogues, and best of all against those who sought to fan these popular breezes to their own comfort. It provided for the payment of the debt, had the courage to raise revenues both

during the late administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when, by a steady pursuit of this measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were

monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at length declared itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence to those whose opinions they approved; was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was to be continued in the hands of the minority? Does it violate their equal rights to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public affairs? If a due participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few, by resignation none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a painful office; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that it may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress, that it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies.

tronage he had at his disposal, and he evidently regarded the cause of Adams in not rewarding his friends as a mistake. It was, therefore, Jefferson, and not Jackson, who was the author of the theory that "to the victors belong the spoils." Jackson gave it a sharp and perfectly defined shape by the use of these words, but the spirit and principle were conceived by Jefferson, who throughout his life showed far greater originality in politics than any of the early patriots. It was his acute sense of just what was right for a growing political party to do, which led him to turn the thoughts of his followers into new and popular directions. Seeing that they were at grave disadvantage when opposing the attitude of the government in its policy with foreign nations; realizing that the work of the Federalists in strengthening the power of the new government, in providing revenues and ways and means for the payment of the debt, were good, he changed the character of the opposition by selecting only notoriously arbitrary measures for assault-and changed it even more radically than this. He early saw that simple opposition was not progress, and that it was both wise and popular to be progressive, and in all his later political papers he sought to make his party the party favoring personal freedom, the one of liberal ideas, the one which, instead of shirking, should anticipate every change calculated to enlarge the liberties and the opportunities of citizens. These things were not inconsistent with his strong views in favor of local self-government; indeed, in many particulars they seemed to support that theory, and by the union of the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed political enthusiasm by the side of political interest. Political sagacity more profound than this it is difficult to imagine. It has not since been equalled in the history of our land, nor do we believe in the history of any other.

"I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter corrections. I shall correct the procedure; but that done, return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be: Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the constitution?" Mr. Adams had made few removals, and none because of the political views held by the incumbents, nearly all of whom had been appointed by Washington and continued through good behavior. At the date of the appointment of most of them, After the New Haven episode, so jealous Jefferson's Republican party had no exist- was Jefferson of his good name, that while ence; so that the reasons given in the he confided all new appointments to the quotation do not comport with the facts. hands of his political friends, he made few Washington's rule was integrity and ca- removals, and these for apparent cause. pacity, for he could have no regard for The mere statement of his position had politics where political lines had been ob-proved an invitation to the Federalists in literated in his own selection. Doubtless these office-holders were human, and adhered with warmth to the administration which they served, and this fact, and this alone, must have angered the Republicans and furnished them with arguments for a change.

Mr. Jefferson's position, however, made his later conduct natural. He was the acknowledged leader of his party, its founder indeed, and that party had carried him into power. He desired to keep it intact, to strengthen its lines with whatever pa

office to join his earlier friends in the support of his administration. Many of them did it, so many that the clamorings of truer friends could not be hushed. With a view to create a new excuse, Jefferson declared that all appointments made by Adams after February 14th, when the House began its ballotings for President, were void, these appointments belonging of right to him, and from this act of Adams we date the political legacies which some of our Presidents have since handed down to their successors. One of the