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weying his ankers (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises unto God for all, set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1596, and arrived in Portsmouth the - seven and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere.

An Extract of Master Ralph Lane's Letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire, and another Gentleman of the Middle Temple, from Virginia.

In the meane while you shall understand, that since Sir Richard Greenvils departure from us, as also before, we have discovered the maine to be the goodliest soyle under the cope of heaven, so abounding with sweete trees, that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes, grapes of such greatnesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor Italie have no greater, so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs, such severall kindes of flaxe, & one kind like silke, the same gathered of a grasse, as common there, as grasse is here. And now within these few dayes we have found here Maiz or Guinie wheate, whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. upon one eare, and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world: for the continent is of an huge and unknowen greatnesse, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely, and the climate so wholesome, that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had but horses and kine in some reasonable proportion, I dare assure my selfe being inhabited with English, no realme in Christendome were comparable to it. For this already we finde, that what commodities soever Spaine, France, Italy, or the East partes doe yeeld unto us, in wines of all sortes, in oyles, in flaxe, in rosens, pitch, frankensence, corrans, sugars, and uch like, these parts doe abound with the growth of them all, but being Savages that possesse the land, they know no use of the same. And sundry other rich commodities, that no parts of the world, be they the West or East Indies, have, here wee finde great abundance of. The people naturally are most courteous and very desirous to have clothes, but especially of course cloth rather then silke, course canvas they

also like well of, but copper caryeth the price of all, so it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt and M. H. I have joyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I love dearely well, and commending me most heartily to you both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie. From the new Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585.

Your most assured friend


“The name and fame of Sir Walter Raleigh are perpetuated in the name of the capital of one of our States,-a State which I wish bore the name of Roanoke instead of North Carolina, that a double historical lesson might be taught. I wish that there might stand in the centre of the city of Raleigh, which perpetuates this historic name, a worthy monument to the great movement for the English colonization of America. The central figure of that monument should be Sir Walter Raleigh. At Worms, on the banks of the Rhine, where Luther made his memorable protest against the Empire and the Church, is that noblest and most impressive of all monuments, in which the figure of the great reformer is surrounded by the forms of Wyclif, Savonarola, Huss, Melanchthon, the Elector, and the various men who, in the political and intellectual advances of the time and the preceding time, were co-operators with him in that many-sided movement which we call the Reformation. I wish that the movement for the colonization of the New World by our English race, one of the most momentous chapters in history, might have a similar commemoration. Surrounding the central figure of Sir Walter Raleigh should be Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, Davis, Captain John Smith, Bartholomew Gosnold, zealous Richard Hakluyt, and the others. In that notable time there is no figure so romantic as Raleigh's. There was no other mind so generous and so capable, none of so great comprehension and scope as his, concerning the opening of this New World. He it was who, in the pressure and the dangers of that time, most clearly discerned that it was from America that Spain derived so much of her wealth and power. He was inspired by the desire that England should have a foothold here, and that she should supplant Spain in the New World; and at last, after the failure of all the colonies which he sent out, one following another, to occupy new ground here,—at the last, toward the close of his life, the great prophet and believer said, 'America will yet become an English nation.' Let America honor the prophet!" - Edwin D. Mead.

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Old South Leaflet No. 92 contains the account of the First Voyage to Roanoke, that made in 1584, under the auspices of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Captains Amadas and Barlowe. This expedition sailed in April, 1584, and arrived back in England the middle of September. The enthusiastic account given by the adventurers delighted Elizabeth as much as it did Raleigh;

and she named the new country Virginia. In April, 1585, Raleigh despatched seven ships from Plymouth under the command of his cousin, Sir Kichard Grenville, with one hundred householders, to plant a colony at Roanoke. Grenville landed the colony at Roanoke, and left it in charge of Ralph Lane, while he himself returned to England for supplies. Captain Philip Amadas, who had been one of the commanders of the first expedition, remained with Lane; also, Thomas Hariot, whose subsequent account of the country is so interesting and important.

Grenville's return was delayed; and the sufferings of the colonists were so severe that when, in 1586, Sir Francis Drake put in at Roanoke with his fleet, after the sacking of St. Augustine, the whole company returned with him to England. A ship with supplies sent by Raleigh soon arrived, and immediately afterwards Grenville came; but both, finding no one on the island, returned to England. Grenville left fifteen men; but when John White, sent by Raleigh, came the next year, he found that these men had been massacred by the natives. The mysterious disappearance of White's own colony has been the subject of much speculation. It practically ended the attempt to establish a colony at Roanoke, although there were other expeditions.

There are original accounts of all these Roanoke expeditions sent out by Raleigh. These are all found together in Hakluyt, and (in best form) in the fine volume on Sir Walter Raleigh and his Colony in America," edited by Rev. Increase N. Tarbox, published by the Prince Society. The account of the Grenville expedition is by two hands, the narrative of the voyage and of proceedings up to Grenville's departure by one person, possibly Grenville himself, and the account of the subsequent fortunes of the colony, that given in the present leaflet, by Lane. A letter from Lane to Hakluyt is prefixed to this account as it appears in Hakluyt's volume; and that letter is given also in this leaflet.

The valuable chapter upon Raleigh in the Narrative and Critical History of America is William Wirt ry, and this is followed by a critical essay on the sources of information. A good bibliography also accompanies the article on Raleigh, written by Prof. J. K. Laughton and Sidney Lee in the Dictionary of National Biography. Perhaps the most critical and scholarly of the many biographies of Raleigh is that by Edwards.



Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass.

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The Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage to the North part of Virginia, begun the six-and-twentieth of March, Anno 42 Elizabetha Regina, 1602, and delivered by Gabriel Archer, a gentleman in the said voyage.

The said captain did set sail from Falmouth the day and year above written accompanied with thirty-two persons, whereof eight mariners and sailors, twelve purposing upon the discovery to return with the ship for England, the rest remain there for population. The fourteenth of April following, we had sight of Saint Mary's, an island of the Azores.

The three-and-twentieth of the same, being two hundred leagues westward from the said island, in the latitude of 37 degrees, the water in the main ocean appeared yellow, the space of two leagues north and south, where sounding with thirty fathoms line, we found no ground, and taking up some of the said water in a bucket, it altered not either in color or taste from the sea azure.

The seventh of May following, we first saw many birds in bigness of cliff pigeons, and after divers others as petrels, coots, hagbuts, penguins, mews, gannets, cormorants, gulls, with many else in our English tongue of no name. The eighth of the same the water changed to a yellowish green, where at seventy fathoms we had ground. The ninth, we had two-andtwenty fathoms in fair sandy ground, having upon our lead many glittering stones, somewhat heavy, which might promise some mineral matter in the bottom, we held ourselves by computation, well near the latitude of 43 degrees.

The tenth we sounded in 27, 30, 37, 43 fathoms, and then came to 108. Some thought it to be the sounding of the west

ernmost end of Saint John's Island; upon this bank we saw sculls of fish in great numbers. The twelfth, we hoisted out hawser of our shallop, and sounding had then eighty fathoms without any current perceived by William Strete the master, one hundred leagues westward from Saint Mary's, till we came to the aforesaid soundings, continually passed fleeting by us seaoare, which seemed to have their movable course towards the north-east; a matter to set some subtle invention on work, for comprehending the true cause thereof. The thirteenth, we sounded in seventy fathoms, and observed great beds of weeds, much wood, and divers things else floating by us, when as we had smelling of the shore, such as from the southern Cape and Andalusia, in Spain. The fourteenth, about six in the morning, we descried land that lay north, &c., the northerly part we called the north land, which to another rock upon the same lying twelves leagues west, that we called Savage Rock (because the savages first showed themselves there); five leagues towards the said rock is an out point of woody ground, the trees thereof very high and straight, from the rock east-northeast. From the said rock came towards us a Biscay shallop with sail and oars, having eight persons in it, whom we supposed at first to be Christians distressed. But approaching us nearer, we perceived them to be savages. These coming within call, hailed us, and we answered. Then after signs of peace, and a long speech by one of them made, they came boldly aboard us, being all naked, saving about their shoulders certain loose deer skins, and near their wastes seal skins tied fast like to Irish dimmie trowsers. One that seemed to be their commander wore a waistcoat of black work, a pair of breeches, cloth stockings, shoes, hat and band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians; these with a piece of chalk described the coast thereabouts, and could name Placentia of the Newfoundland; they spoke divers Christian words, and seemed to understand much more than we, for want of language could comprehend. These people are in color swart, their hair long, uptied with a knot in the part of behind the head. They paint their bodies, wh strong and well proportioned. These much desired our longer stay, but finding ourselves short of our purposed place, we set sail westward, leaving them and their coast. About sixteen leagues south-west from thence we perceived in that course two small islands, the one lying eastward from Savage Rock, the

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