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BATTLE OF CARTHAGE.

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Horses with empty saddles went neighing and galloping madly over the plain, and the whole body fled in the wildest confusion. Several prisoners were taken, who stated that the rebel force was five thousand five hundred strong.

Col. onel Sigel now moved rapidly forward towards Carthage, occasionally saluting squads of the enemy that kept hovering along his flank with his artillery. But on reaching the town he found it to his surprise in the hands of the enemy, and a secession flag waving from the top of the court house. This the exasperated soldiers soon shot down. Sigel seeing himself thus outnumbered and his ammunition giving out, determined at all hazards to effect a junction with the balance of the southwestern army, concentrated at Mount Vernon and Springfield. To effect this he saw it was necessary to reach Sarcoxie, some eight miles from Carthage. The road to this place, led through a dense forest, which if he could gain, would protect him from the enemy's cavalry. Aware of this, the rebels had taken possession of the road leading to it, and prepared to dispute his passage. The infantry now for the first time on both sides, came into close conflict and the action became at once fierce and bloody. Though the rebels outnumbered Sigel's force almost five to one, their short guns, and old fashioned muskets, were no match for the Mínié rifles of the latter, and they fell by scores before the murderous volleys that were poured into their ranks. For two hours, from quarter past six to half past eight, the battle raged without a monient's intermission. The sun sank on the strife, twilight came and went, and darkness finally settled over the woods, but still the struggle did not cease. Sigel's progress, however, could be detected by his advancing line of fire and at last the enemy retreated. Our troops had now been marching and fighting for ten hours under a hot July sun, but Sigel fearing to endanger his command by halting long in the presence of so superior a force.

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kept on in the darkness, reaching Sarcoxie in the morning, from whence he leisurely continued his retreat to Mount Vernon.

Sigel had handled his little force throughout the trying circumstances with which he had been surrounded, with consummate skill and shown himself an able tactician, as well as a cool and resolute commander. His entire loss in killed and wounded was only forty-four, while that of the enemy was supposed to be between three and four hundred.

While these events were occurring in Missouri and West ern Virginia, the Union men in Kentucky were making desperate efforts to keep the state out of the hands of the secessionists. Success, however, seemed doubtful. Breckenridge was very popular with the young men of the state, and he and others were equally determined that the powerful aid of Kentucky should be secured for the southern confederacy. East Tennessee stood loyal to the Union, and was struggling manfully to keep at least that part of the state true to the old flag. Her devotion to the Union was admirable and cost her afterwards untold suffering.

CHAPTER VII.

JULY, 1861.

MEETING OF CONGRESS-PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE-CHIEF COMMANDERS ON BOTH

SIDES AT THIS TIME THE ON TO RICHMOND " CRY-THE QUESTION OF

FUNDSLACK OF STATESMEN IN CONGRESS THE RADICAL

ELEMENT-IN

CREASING THE NAVY-AN ONWARD MOVEMENT RESOLVED UPON-REASONS

FOR IT-JOHNSON AND PATTERSON-MCDOWELL TO COMMAND THE ARMY

THE DEPARTURE FOR MANASSAS-SPLENDID APPEARANCE OF-ARTILLERY FIGHT AT BLACKBURN'S FORD-ADVANCE OF THE ARMY FROM CENTREVILLE

PLAN OF THE BATTLE-HUNTER AND HEINTZLEMAN-BATTLE OF BULL RUN

THE DEFEAT-THE

ROUT-DANGER OF THE CAPITAL_EFFECT OF THE NEWS

IN THE NORTH TCAUSES AND LESSON OF THE OVERTHROW-SURRENDER OT

FORT FILLMORE IN NEW MEXICO.

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N the 4th of July, Congress, in pursuance of the Pres

ident's proclamation, assembled in the Capitol, and elected Galusha A. Grow of Pennsylvania, speaker. The President's message to which the country looked with a good deal of solicitude, did not meet the public expectation. It consisted chiefly of a detailed history of the secession movement, and an argument to prove that the doctrine of state rights, on which it was founded, was unsound and ruinous. But this had been fully discussed and disposed of long ago. The country demanded energetic action. The long-abused and forbearing north had finally got thoroughly roused. It had done with argument the moment it had drawn the sword, and was impatient of any appeal except the trumpet call to battle. It was providential that the President took a calmer survey of affairs. The excited state of public feeling needed the restraining power of his well balanced mind to prevent rash measures which might cripple our resources and endanger our ultimate success. With all his conservatism he could not wholly save us from disaster, by which we learned more, perhaps too great, caution.

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106

OG ON TO RICHMOND'' CRY,

At this time the chief divisions of the army along our line of defense under Scott, were commanded as follows: General Butler at Fortress Monroe, General Banks at Annapolis, McDowell in front of Washington, Patterson near Harper's Ferry, McClellan in Western Virginia, Anderson, the hero of fort Sumter, in Kentucky, and Harney in Missouri. On the rebel side Beauregard was at Manassas, J. E. Johnston opposed to Patterson up the Potomac. Bishop Polk of Louisiana, made major-general, on the Mississippi, Sidney A. Johnston, a traitor from the United States army in California, in the south-west, and Price in Missouri. Davis had called out man for man to offset the army of the north, and everything was supposed to turn on the result of the first meeting of these two mighty armies. In the far west, among the Indians bordering on Kansas under our protection, and in the barren regions of New Mexico, the rebels were hard at work stirring up treason, and assailing the weak detachments of the army stationed on our outposts. In the south, fort Pickens, the only stronghold we still held on the gulf, was menaced.

It was soon apparent that politicians in Congress, pushed forward by reckless partisan newspapers, were bent on a sudden advance of the army on the Potomac. Some of the most influential of these kept flying at the head of their columns, "ON TO RICHMOND. The military sagacity of Scott was ridiculed as “old fogyism,” his cautious, wise policy pronounced to be the result of disinclination to invade his native state, and the elaborate fortifications he was erecting across the Potomac laughed at as evidences of imbecile old age. In short, military science and experience were derided, and the organization and proper preparation of an army for an arduous campaign in the ordinary way stigmatized as a proceeding of the “circumlocution office.” The southerners were dastards, the north invincible, and hence these elaborate preparations and delays totally uncalled

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for. We had the power, and all that was necessary to assure succcs; was to let it loose. Never before in the history of the world did popular passion at the beginning of a fearful mighty war, so overslaugh military science. Out of this state the nation must be extricated, by reason and moderation, or startled from it by a thunder clap of misfortune that would make every heart stand still with terror.

The probable cost of the war had hardly yet received the attention of the people. We had been so accustomed to believe our wealth and resources absolutely exhaustless, that money, the first thing that should have been thought of, was apparently the last. Funds for immediate use were of course wanted. The President, in his message, had called for $400,000,000. But Congress, taking a more moderate view of the public exigencies, proposed a loan bill authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow $250,000,000 on the faith of the United States—the revenue of the government being pledged to the payment of the interest. This gave to the small opposition in the house an excellent opportunity to make an onslaught upon the administration, and a spirited debate ensued in which Vallandigham of Ohio led off against the measure. It passed, however, July 11th, by an overwhelming vote. The fact that Congress thought this sum would be sufficient, and that the necessary expenses could be met without resorting to extraordinary taxation, shows how destitute of well read statesmen that body was. Such men as Webster, Clay, Calhoun, and others, who illustrated the Congress that carried us through the war of 1812, were wanting, and thoughtful men, in this most trying period of our existence, looked anxiously around for the leading, controlling mind, which could embrace the full measure of our wants and our dangers. A portion of the more ultra republicans seemed to see in this appalling crisis of the country only an excellent opportunity to push their measures for the

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