party action, as the most effective agency for gaining political ascendency in the General Government. A short time before the assembling of the last Whig State Convention of New York, in 1855, which had been called with the avowed design of disbanding the party, and forming an amalgamation with the Republicans, Governor Hunt wrote a letter, which was widely published, protesting, with emphatic earnestness, against the contemplated alliance, and predicting with remarkable accuracy, the fatal consequences which ultimately resulted from the movement. After urging many conclusive objections against sectional combinations, and repeating the warnings of Washington against "parties founded on geographical discriminations," he employed the following language:

"Believing that a sectional combination of this kind is fraught with danger and mischief, it does not accord with my views of duty to enlist under its banner. In Federal politics I am not prepared to serve in any party which does not identify itself with the whole country, by presenting broad national principles and a system of measures upon which good men in both sections, and in all the States from Maine to California, can unite in friendly cooperation. If a Northern antislavery party is desirable, it must be desired that all the people of the free States should enter into it. The very proposition implies that we are to be met by the people of the Southern States in solid array. We cannot close our eyes to the practical tendencies of such a conflict. Its effect must be to exasperate one part of the nation towards the other part, and to weaken, if not to banish those sentiments of friendship and brotherhood which gave birth to the Constitution. In such a warfare both sections will be roused to fierce resentment by mutual insult and denunciation, until either side will see on the other aliens and enemies, instead of friends and fellowcitizens; and, in a word, we shall cease to be one people.

"It is contended that the Union is too strong, if not too sacred, to be endangered by angry contention between the North and the South. This may be true while the contest is confined to a band of sectional gladiators; but how long the Federal compact would survive a partisan struggle between the people of the free States and the people of the slave States, or to what degree mutual wrath and vengeance may be indulged with safety, are problems upon which I choose not to speculate. But I will not hesitate to express my conviction, that if the time shall ever come when fraternal kindness and sympathy between the States shall be extinguished in the popular breast, and when the sectional animosity which is avowed in some quarters shall become

the common sentiment of the American people, the Union will be no longer worth preserving. It will no longer be the Union established by Washington and his compatriots on the broad foundation of common interests, friendly ties, and national patriotism.”

VI.

THE external aspect of the affair off Charleston which "precipitated" the war, is as that of a boy "spoiling for a fight," who places a chip on the rim of his hat and dares his competitor to knock it off. But even if warlike matters had been brought to an issue by the undesigned exhibition of the fleet, it would be no more surprising than a fact stated by Mr. Kinglake, in his history of the Crimean invasion. He declares that event to have been brought about by means of a cogent despatch to Lord Raglan, drawn up by the Duke of Newcastle, who was in favor of war, and read by him at a cabinet-meeting after dinner, when a majority of the ministers present had sunk into a profound sleep; to which despatch the prime minister and other leading members of the cabinet would have urged controlling objections, had they remained awake, at a moment so critical. The orders to the American fleet may have been issued under somewhat similar circumstances, since it is well known that the administration at Washington entertained quite discordant opinions in the case in question; at least, up to a very late moment before the event. Indeed, it might well be said of certain members of the administration, as Clarendon remarks of Fairfax, Generalissimo of the Parliament forces, under whom Cromwell served as Lieutenant-general: "Fairfax wished for nothing that Cromwell did, and yet contributed to bring it all to pass."

INDEX.

Chase, Mr., 162, 190, 213, 285, 387, Davis, Mr., of Miss., 48, 150, 201,

Clayton, John M., Mr., 158, 256, 286. Dickinson, Mr., 150, 200, 201, 215.