CHAPTER III.

The former "Federalist" and "Republican" Parties-Political Questions during Mr. Monroe's Administration, and that of Mr. Adams and General Jackson.-Certain Sources of Good Feeling between the Sections.-West Indian Emancipation.-George Thompson.-Anti-Abolition Meeting in Boston.-John Henry.-Great Britain and the United States.-Washington's Advice.-Mr. Roebuck's Speech at Sheffield, June 10th, 1865.-Progress of Abolition.-Views of President Jackson, Governor Marcy, Governor Everett, and Mr. Clay.

THE old party lines of Federalists and Republicans had become almost obliterated by the general fusion of both, at the election of Mr. Monroe for President, in the year 1816. On that occasion, this slaveholding successor of Jefferson and Madison received the electoral suffrage of sixteen States, amounting in all to one hundred and eighty-three votes, against thirty-four given to his Federal rival, Mr. King of New York, by Massachusetts, Connecticut and Maryland. Mr. Monroe was chosen for his second term of office in 1820, by an electoral ballot lacking only one vote to make it entirely unanimous. The elements and the political tendencies of the former parties remained, indeed, distributed throughout all the several States, without essential change in the comparative numbers of the advocates of old opinions. France, in the mean time, had finally emerged from the vortex of revolution, had been an empire instead of a republic, and was now a monarchy under the rule of its ancient line of kings. The long European struggle had enlisted the feelings of the two parties in this country, in correspondence with their earlier prepossessions. The war of the United States with Great Britain had still further widened this division of sentiment. The occasion and the foundation of

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this diversity of opinion, however, had now passed away; and it is probable that the popular feeling, which had been wrought upon until it led to the free-soil demonstration of 1820, was very much owing to the want of any other absorbing subject of national difference to engage the attention of political parties.

During the course of Mr. Monroe's administration, however, the several subjects of the Tariff, the United States Bank, of Internal Improvements and the Navy, had undergone thorough discussion, and had finally awakened theeager interest of the nation. The first named, though obviously national in its general results, by promoting the revenues of the Federal Government, yet, in its specific operation, affected the two sections in different ways. If the protection afforded by it added to the value of the manufactures of the North, the tariff also furnished the South a nearer market for its chief productions, to be distributed among fellow-citizens, and to be procured at a lower rate of transportation. If the competition between the foreign and the domestic manufacturer brought down the price of the article, that evil would be partially cured at least, whenever the latter should be able to measure strength successfully with his foreign rival. As soon as it becomes no longer advantageous to the foreigner to export manufactured goods into the country which produces the raw material, the price of that material to the home manufacturer becomes, to a considerable extent, within the control of its producer.

By adhering judiciously and systematically to such a policy, as was originally proposed by the South and finally assented to by the North-but which was deviated from, upon political considerations totally apart from the interests actually at stake, and therefore substantially without regard to them-incalculable benefits would have accrued to the common country, and a closer bond of union would have been maintained.' The discussion of the other topics of national

1 On the other hand, it should be remarked that, upon constitutional principles, such a restriction of trade, or forced diversion of it from any of its

policy referred to brought into more or less prominence the former differences of opinion, in regard to Federal and State rights. A national bank, a powerful navy, and a system of internal improvements, conducted under the patronage of the General Government, it was held by the opponents of those measures, tended to build up a formidable central power, not unlikely to prove unfavorable to the common liberty. The second of these points was a mere question of policy, no more involving considerations of constitutional authority, than the support of a sufficient military force for the land service; and it might have been remembered, that a navy in all ages has proved almost uniformly and signally patriotic. Mr. Monroe had doubted the constitutional power of the General Government to institute works of internal improvement; but so impressed was he with the conviction of their general value and necessity, that he recommended, by message to Congress, an amendment of the Constitution, by which that power should be conferred.

Doubtless, the benefits to be derived from such works would be felt very unequally by the several States since the improvements would be principally made in the comparatively unsettled portions of the country, where they were most needed: but the eventual advantage, of a great public

ordinary channels into one particular direction, could be defended only on the ground of making all the interests of the country contribute as equally as possible, in their degree, to the general benefit. Any system of domestic policy, for example, which tends to the limitation of free trade, ought to be adopted, if at all, in order to promote the welfare of the Republic, by strengthening the bonds of the Union. Hence, it was peculiarly incumbent upon the New England States, which derived especial advantage from the tariff system, to cultivate Union sentiments, and to discountenance whatever tended to enfeeble them. This they did for a considerable period; but at length it appeared that very many of those whose private interests had been most promoted by such a system, after the North had obtained sufficient power to reëstablish and to uphold it, were persuaded to change their political positions, and, with strange inconsistency, to serve the ends of the "geographical " party. This seems neither grateful nor just; nor does it seem likely to promote their substantial interests in the end.

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road for instance, would accrue to all, either directly or incidentally. In regard to a Bank of the United States, for the deposit and ordinary use of the public funds under suitable safeguards and regulations, there seems to be no objection to such a corporate body, which does not apply to all human institutions; to countervail which no safeguards whatever can be absolutely effectual. It is possible that such a bank might fall into the management of directors who were in opposition to a temporary administration. It is possible that a part of its funds might be sometimes lent to those intending to use them for party purposes. But from the nature of the case, such an institution must be managed, in general, by those who are entirely above all reasonable suspicion, and who could not deliberately, or even carelessly, misuse their trust, without a degree of depravity not to be imagined of any body of ordinarily honest men.

All those measures excited warm opposition and the strongest party feeling. But those which had not been already adopted became soon a part of the public policy. The Bank, which stood upon as strong a foundation as any such institution in the world, until its foundation was taken away by the Government-which exhibited a singular jealousy for liberty by the exercise of a singularly arbitrary act-was broken down under the administration of President Jackson. But these great and exciting questions, which, in whole or in part, earnestly enlisted the public feeling, during the administrations of Mr. Monroe, and of his successor, Mr. John Quincy Adams, and finally of President Jackson, swept out of sight, almost altogether, those darker clouds, full of the fury of sectional agitation, which, had hung so ominously over the country during the progress of earlier years. Questions of constitutional authority, or limitation, which are matters of opinion, resting purely upon a speculative basis, and which do not touch directly either the pockets or the sensibilities of the common people, will usually settle themselves in one way or another, at last, without danger to the order of society.

This will occur, even when they actually involve considerations of the deepest import to the general welfare. Nations seldom, or never, have fought for a principle, merely; and when they have seemed to do so, it will be found that practical causes have been previously at work to bring them up to the final point. For example, not the most animated discussion of the Bank, or of Internal Improvements, could ever have stirred up the women and children of the Northern States to that pitch of intolerant zeal, under the influence of which their individual feebleness lent, in its combination, such accumulated energy to the crusade of abolition. The signal efforts of the platform, the pulpit, and the schoolhouse, so efficient in the latter direction, would have proved discouragingly futile, however earnestly devoted to the elucidation and recommendation of those other drier and less moving topics.'

It may be well to recur for a moment to some of those causes, which had the happiest influence in keeping up good feeling between the two sections. Among a scattered agricultural population, like that in the Southern States, the advantages of even common education could not be enjoyed so readily as by the more compactly settled inhabitants of the North. Oftentimes, the great extent of the plantations, and the distance of the proprietors' residences from each other, would render that combination of interests inconvenient, by which schools could be established and maintained. In the Northern States, provision being made for this object by law, the richer classes are taxed like the poorer, according to their means, in order to secure the fundamental elements of

1 Several years ago, when the contest ran high between two candidates for the Presidency, and questions finance were pressing, an orator of more reputation than tact, at an evening caucus in one of our larger towns, saw fit to address the assembly on the subject of the currency. Sigus of impatience soon began to show themselves among the audience. The respectable chairman repeatedly demanded order, with some temporary effect. At length the disturbance became almost tumultuous. "Order, order, gentlemen," cried the chairman; "I know this is tedious, but it may be useful."