The London Quarterly Review, Volume 26William Lonsdale Watkinson, William Theophilus Davison H.J.T. Tresidder, 1866 - Theology |
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admiration Alderney ancient authority beautiful bees Benjamin Constant Bishop capital punishment Castle Cornet cells century Channel Islands character Christian Church colony combs Coppet crime death doctrine ecclesiastical England English Eugénie de Guérin evidence evil fact faith favour feeling France French friends give Government Guernsey hand heart hive honey honour human Italian Italy Jersey Jesus Jethou judge Keble Keble's labour land letters liberty Lincoln living London Madame de Staël Makololo malice matter ment mind Mont Orgueil moral murder nation nature never Newman once passed passion persons political present principle punishment queen religion religious Rénan rendered rocks Samuel Wesley Sark schools seems seminaries slave slave power slavery society South spirit success swarm thought tion Tract XC truth universities volume Wesley whilst whole words write young
Popular passages
Page 278 - I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not what either party or any man devised or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending, seems plain.
Page 304 - In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.
Page 272 - Its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth. that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition.
Page 226 - Alas! they had been friends in youth; But whispering tongues can poison truth; And constancy lives in realms above; And life is thorny; and youth is vain; And to be wroth with one we love Doth work like madness in the brain.
Page 292 - I can no more be persuaded that the government can constitutionally take no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man because it can be shown to not be good food for a well one.
Page 309 - And then there will be some black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation; while I fear there will be some white ones, unable to forget that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech, they have strove, to hinder it.
Page 293 - Nor am I able to appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting, that the American people will by means of military arrests during the rebellion lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus throughout the indefinite peaceful future which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them...
Page 303 - The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our I case is new, so we must think anew and act anew.
Page 301 - Our common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured...
Page 292 - Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.