sia "all sting." This was logical in Frederick. To save Prussia it was necessary to give her the maximum of military strength; he did this. Prussia still has a place on the map, but he made no effort to save liberty. Frederick found Prussia an absolute monarchy; he left it an entrenched camp. Liberty was never thought of. It is impossible in her condition. If Prussia, with her excellent population, were at a vast distance from where she is, and protected by oceans and mountains, she might be a republic; but wliere she is, it is impossible. On the continent of Europe no State can exist with free institutions, because the form of government must be such as furnishes the greatest amount of military strength. Perhaps it may be Baid that Switzerland contradicts my theory. I reply that Switzerland is an exceptional case-a few nests of poor people buried in remote valleys, surrounded by inaccessible mountains; they are not worth conquering. Besides, the mutual jealousy of the great powers is their real safeguard. England is the only free and great power in Europe. This is owing to her insular position. The ocean is the divine charter of her freedom. If nothing but a surveyor's line separated England from France, England would be a military despotism as France is. No country can be free which has to sleep with her hand on her sword. But why resort to general reasoning and the condition of European nations to prove what I have asserted, when the proof stares us in the face in the example of our own country. We see it in every sight; we feel it in every emotion; we hear it in every sound. When our present Government was established, everything possible was done in the interest of State rights, every conceivable guarantee was taken for individual freedom-as little as possible was conceded to the Federal Government. The Federal Government was "cabined, cribbed, confined," "hedged in by saucy doubts and fears." The school of extreme State rights were at work framing a Constitution for a Federal Government, with the accumulated suspicions of seventy years. They did their work well. The problem to be solved was the framing of a Federal Government, with the minimum of power to function. I thought at the time it was useless labor, because I conceived, in the humility of my judgment, that the constitution of a country was that which its necessities pointed out, and that you could not in advance say what would be the necessities of a Confederacy exposed to perpetual war with a neighboring power of superior force. But the framers of our Constitution were not deterred by any such considerations as these from their work. They established their Confederacy, guarded and limited in the interests of the rights of the separate States as much as possible. Well, we have been at war not quite four years, and what is the result? Is not our Federal Government in the exercise of every possible power of a national central military despotism? Suppose there were no States, only provinces, and unlimited power was conferred upon you and Congress-what greater powers would you exercise than you do now? Have we not carried conscription to its last limits? Is not every man in the country between 17 and 50 subject to military authority? None are exempt except upon considerations of public interest. Have we not been compelled to lay direct taxes in the very teeth of the theory of the Constitution? Have we not issued such vast amounts of paper money as to unsettle all value? Ilave we not compelled the holders of our paper money to fund it, or lose one-third? Have we not seized all the railroads? Have we not destroyed railroads and built others? Have we not established a universal system of impressment of property, at our own prices, in our own money? Have we not established a Government monopoly of the exportations of the great staples of the country? Have we not forbidden the importation of luxuries? Have we not compelled those whom we permit to remain at home to execute bonds to furnish their products to us at our prices? Have we not suspended the writ of habeas corpus? Have we not introduced the passport system, which we used to think belonged to the iron despotism of Europe? In short, has not our Federal Government done everything that a centralized military despotism could do? Indeed, if you were appointed Military Dictator, what greater powers could you exercise than you now do? I allude to these things not to complain of them, but to lament them. If you tell me they are necessary, I reply that is precisely my argument. My argument assumes and requires that necessity. It is plain that our Government exercises the powers of a central despotism. I blame no one for it. I am sure those who are at the head of the Govern ment would gladly have it otherwise; but necessity compels the course they have taken. But I shall be told, perhaps, this necessity is limited to the war, and when peace returns we will go back to our old state of liberty. That depends upon the kind of peace. A peace without reconciliation carries in his bosom the seeds of new wars. This armed peace and its offspring, war, would fasten upon us permanently a central military despotism. It is common to bear it said that the United States have gone into despotist. If so, then it is a very sad truth for us, for that would develop their maximum military power, and would, of course, necessitate the same thing in the same way on our part. The truth is, we are vitally interested in the preservation of free institutions in the Northern States, because the people of the United States will not only make their institutions, but they will make ours. If they acquire their maximum military strength by going into despotism, we must do the same, just as if they were to originate new and overpoweringly destructive modes of warfare, we would have to resort to the same or be overwhelmed. Some persons of intelligence concede that the Northern people have gone into despotism, but ridicule the idea of such a calamity befalling us. To such I would reply, we are but human beings, not gods, and we are acted upon by necessity as other people. The truth is, that the Government at Washington has not dared to exercise power on the grand scale that our Government has. The Lincoln Government has not ventured to resort to an effective conscription; it has not resorted to taxation as we have; it has no tax in kind; it does not prohibit imports; it does not monopolize the exports; it does not rely on impressments. It plays the tyrant, but it hesitates to seize the sceptre. I think I have established my proposition, that our Republican institutions are lost unless we have a peace accompanied by harmony with the North. The great question for us then is, how are we to obtain such a peace? Before I consider this question, I would call your attention to this fact, that the peace we are to make with the North is to be made by us and the North alone. There is no probability of any foreign intervention; by that I mean any armed interference in our behalf. The peace between the North and the South, when it comes, must come, then, by the action of these parties alone. Foreign Powers will not interfere. The question then is, how are these bellig erent States, now so fiercely engaged, to obtain this peace with reconciliation, which I have said is necessary to preserve their Republican form of government? It is a great question. I now approach it. I admit in the first place that a successful military defence is indispensable. Without that nothing can be anticipated but utter ruin. But is this all? I think not. There is something over and above success in war. That is polit. ical policy. If Mr. Lincoln remains in power, there is no hope of accomplishing anything by political policy. Mr. Lincoln is the exponent of the fanaticism and hatred of the North. He holds power because he is the exponent of these sentiments of his party; in order to be master of others he has to be their slave. He cannot be rational upon the subject of slavery, because lo represents madmen; he cannot exercise what Burke calls the truest political wisdom, mag nanimity, because he represents malignants. Besides, Mr. Lincoln is committed by his past career to the most violent course. If he had been a statesman when he became Pres ident, he could, by a wise policy, have restored harmony. But in that great crisis, when statesmanship could have accomplished so much, he used no efforts to harmonize, but yielded himself up a mere instrument of the foolish mob, as if statesmanship came from below upwards. Mr. Wm. II. Seward, by his speeches made in the winter of '60, showed that he comprehended the policy of conciliation, but just at the moment when it became necessary to put in force his fine maxims, he found no use for them. Mr. Lincoln's mode of carrying on the war, his emancipation policy, the license he gave his armies to commit the great est outrages, shows that he relies on nothing but force. I confess, therefore, I have no hope of Mr. Lincoln as a pa cificator. I should as soon have selected Charles IX to pacify the Huguenots after the massacre of St. Bartholo mew. But fortunately Mr. Lincoln and those he represents are not all of the North. There is a powerful party there which condemns his policy. That party is rational on the subject of slavery. It represents whatever of amity or conservatism is left at the North. This party proposes that the war shall cease, at least temporarily, and that all the States should meet in amicable council, to make peace if possible. This is the most imposing demonstration in favor of peace made at the North since the war broke out. I think our only hope of a satisfactory peace, one consistent with the preservation of free institutions, is in the supremacy of this party at some time or other. Our policy, there fore, is to give this party all the capital we can. You should, therefore, at once, in my opinion, give this party all the encouragement possible, by declaring your willingness to an armistice, and a convention of all the States in their sov ercign capacity, to enter upon the subject of peace. The theory upon which this party goes is, that we are willing to cease hostilities, at least temporarily, and meet in council to attain peace if possible. The theory upon which Mr. Lincoln goes is, that there is no use to attempt any nego tiation with us; that the sword is the only possible arbiter. Our policy is to show that the theory of the Chicago plat form is the true one. To put this matter in another light, let us ask the question, what is the policy that Mr. Lincoln wishes us to pursue? Of course he wishes us to verify his theory and falsify the opposite theory. He wishes us to treat the advances of the Chicago Convention with contempt. He wishes to be able to say to the Northern people, "see, the Government of Richmond tramples upon your tenders of peaceful negotiation; McClellan could accomplish nothing by negotiation; war is all that is left; don't remove me, I am carrying that on with especial zeal." When we know what Mr. Lincoln wants us to do, then we know very certainly what he ought to do. dition that we lay down our arms, abandon slavery, and return to the Union. He will then grant such terms as may be compatible with his sense of justice, liberality, and magnanimity. So long, therefore, as its present rulers are in power, and this policy shall be adhered to, there can be no peace between us and the Government of the United States which will not bring upon us confiscation, social disorganization, poverty, degradation, and intolerable dishonor. What worse would be our doom if subjugated by military power? Subjugation is no worse than the submission offered to us as the only condition of peace. It would at least save to us our honor. We must have negotiations which will not compromise our status in any way; which will not affect our national honor, or the rights of States. Peace upon any other terms involves the loss of liberty, because it will be the result of force-not of choice and compact between co-equal and sovereign States. Peace upon any other terms means despotism enthroned in empire-not Republicanism founded upon "the consent of the governed," and organized "in such forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their eatety and happiness." This is the kind of peace which the United States now propose to enforce upon the people of the Confederate States-the peace of death to constitutional liberty-the stagnant peace of despotism-the peace which chains and prison bars impose. It may be said, the proposed convocation of the States is unconstitutional. To this I reply, we can amend the Constitution. It may be further objected that to meet the Northern States in convention is to abandon our present form of Government. But this no more follows than that their meeting us implies an abandonment of their form of Government. A Congress of the States in their sovereign capacity is the highest acknowledgment of the principles of State rights. This imposing assemblage is, in my opinion, the best, while it is the most august tribunal to which the great question of peace could possibly be referred. Imagine this grand council of States in the act of convening, after the people, everywhere in peaceful possession of the right to elect their ambassadors, had done so. What a sublime spectacle it would present! There would be nothing to compare with it in moral grandeur, in ancient or modern times. The friends of humanity and progress and civilization, and all Christians in every land, I look with anxiety to the approaching Presidential elecwould rejoice at the spectacle, and millions in every clime, tion in the United States. For, although the Chicago platthe good everywhere, would mingle their prayers in all form falls below the great occasion, and the nominee still tongues for an auspicious issue to these great deliberations. lower, yet the triumph of the Democratic party of the The question rests with you; the responsibility is with you; North will certainly secure a temporary suspension of hosthe consequences will be with your country. You and Mr. | tilities and an effort to make peace by an appeal to reason. Lincoln can never make peace. You may traverse indefi- They confess that four years of bloody war, as a means of nitely the same bloody circles you have been moving in for restoring the Union, has proven a failure. They declare the last four years, but you will never approach any nearer that the true principles of American Government have than you now are. Your only hope of peace is in the as- been disregarded and trampled under foot by the present cendancy of the conservative party North. Fortify that Executive of the United States. Their success will bring a party if you can by victories, but do not neglect diplomacy. change of Administration, and, with that, a change of policy. It was the boast of Philip, the great king, that he gained It will do more, and what is of infinitely greater importmore cities by his policy than by his armis. A weak power, ance, it will bring the two contending parties face to face, engaged with a stronger, must make up in sagacity for in the arena of reason and consultation. Then and there what it lacks in physical force, otherwise the monuments can be discussed the history of all our difficulties, the prinof its glory become the tomb of its nationality. ciples involved in the bloody issue, and the respective interests of both Governments. Such is my conviction of the omnipotence of truth and right, that I feel an abiding confidence that an honorable peace would ultimately spring from such deliberations. With sentiments of the highest respect, I remain your fellow-citizen, WILLIAM W. BOYCE. LETTER FROM HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON ON PEACE. SANDY GROVE, NEAR BARTOW P. O., GA., Sept. 25, 1864. GENTLEMEN: Your letter of the 14th inst. was received several days ago. I have taken time to consider the object which it proposes the inauguration of a peace movement at the South." I long for peace as ardently as "the hart pants for the cooling water brook." I agree with you, that *this unnatural strife cannot be terminated by arms." To this end, we should lose no occasion, nor omit any proper means to convince the North that we are still, as we always have been, willing to adjust the difficulties between us, upon honorable terms. We have avowed our desire for peace and readiness for negotiation from the very beginning of the war, in every form in which organized communities can give expression to their will. We have avowed it in executive messages, in legislative resolves and congressional manifestoes. What more can we do, in view of our situation? Gladly would I do more, if it were possible. But I do not believe that it is. We can inaugurate no movement that would lead to the result so earnestly desired by every friend of humanity, and so urgently demanded by the interests of both sections. Our military situation would seem to forbid even the attempt. The capture of Atlanta and Richmond is regarded by the authorities of the United States as all that is necessary for our ultimate subjugation. They have captured Atlanta, and General Grant says the carly capture of Richmond is certain, beyond a doubt. What, under the circumstances, would be the probable effect of any peace movement at the South? Would it con iliate the North? Would it inspire the Government of the United States with a sense of justice, or forbearance, or magnanimity? So far from this, it would be construed into intimidation on our part, and it would stimulate and intensity the war spirit of the North. It would be regarded as our confession of overthrow, and the premonitory symptom of our readiness to sue for mercy on the bended knees of unconditional surrender. In view of the avowed object of the war on the part of the Northern Government. it is very certain that there can be no peace, upon any honorable terms, so long as its present rulers are in power. The President of the United States has proclaimed emancipation, and his determination to enforce it by the sword. He has announced, in advance of any formal offer of negotiation on our part, that he will not treat with rebels, (as he is pleased to call the people of the Confederate States,) except upon the con In their long-cherished devotion to the Union of the States-a sentiment which challenges my respect-the people of the North, it seems to me, have fallen into two grave and capital errors. On the one hand, they attach an undue importance to the mere fact or form of Union, ignoring the principles and objects of the Union, and forgetting that it ceases to be valuable when it fails to secure that object and maintain those principies. On the other hand, they think that the States of the Confederacy have separated from the United States in contempt of that Union, in a wanton disposition to insult its flag and to destroy the Government of which it is the emblem. Both opinions are wrong. The old Union was an organization of States. But it was more; it was such an organization, founded upon great principles, in order to give the most efficient security for the maintenance of those very same principles. These principles are the sovereignty of the States-the right of the people to govern themselves; the right of each State to regulate its own domestic affairs, to establish its own municipal institutions, to organize its own system of labor, and to pursue its own career of enterprise, subject to no restrictions except such as are expressed in the Federal Constitution. On these the Union was based, and constituted the solemn guarantee of all, that each State should be protected in their undisturbed enjoyment. When it failed to do this, or, what is worse, when its Government passed into the administration of those whose avowed policy and measures must lead to the overthrow of those principles, it was virtually at an end, and, in their opinion, ceased to be valuable to the people of the Confederate States. Hence, secession was not resorted to merely to throw off the Union. Our people loved the Union and honored its once glorious flag for the rich memories that clustered around it. They left it with a reluctance and regret to which history will scarcely do justice. They were, as they are now, wedded to the principles on which the Union was founded; they separated from it but to vindicate and maintain them. Whether they acted wisely or unwisely must be left to the imperial arbitrament of time and coming events. But no people were ever prompted to so momentous a step by loftier devotion to constitutional liberty. For this we are denounced as rebels against the Government of the United States, and threatened with the bloody doom of traitors; our country is invaded, our homes desolated, and our people slain by hostile armies. This is the naked truth. When thus viewed, how cruel and unnatural is this war! Why should the North fight us? Especially why should the thousands of professed constitutional men at the North lend their countenance and aid to our subjugation? We are struggling for principles which should be as dear to them as they are to us. Do they not see that our overthrow will be the downfall of constitutional liberty-fatal to their freedom as well as ours-the inauguration of an irresponsible and unlimited despotism? Correct ideas are slow in the progress of leavening the mass of mind; truth is ever trampled upon when passion gains sway. But the ultimate prevalence of the one and the ascendancy of the other is only a question of time, and their end, peace. The light already begins to break in upon the thinking and better portion of the Northern people. They begin to see that this war is not waged to restore the Union in good faith-the Union of the Constitution; but either to secure disunion, by avowing impossible and degrading terms of peace, or to convert it into a despotism by subjugating the South. Hence the Chicago movement. Hence the note of discontent that is being sounded by a portion of the press and statesmen of the North. God opened the light, that the people of the North may understand the position which we occupy, and discern the volcano that threatens to engulph their liberty. Then they will consider negotiation not only politically but absolutely necessary. Then peace will come, predicated upon those principles so essential to both Governments, and all our strifes and difficulties solved in conformity to the best interests of the parties. In view of our position, permit me to repeat, I do not see how we can inaugurate any movement likely to lead to an honorable peace. We are the party assailed. Peace movements must come from the assailing party. I would not be understood, however, as standing on any point of etiquette as to who should take the initiative-I have no such feeling. All I mean to say is, that in view of the avowed policy of the United States Government, any advance on our part is already rejected before made, and that we cannot make any upon the conditions announced by its President. I would not hesitate to take the initiative if there was the least hope of a favorable response or an honorable result. But if the Government of the United States should pass into other hands, repudiate the policy of subjugation, and indicate a desire for negotiation, I would, if need be, have our Government propose it certainly accept the offer of it, if tendered by the Federal authorities. Such I believe to be the spirit and temper of our people. Such I am satisfied is the sentiment of the President of the Confederate States. Ho has avowed it on every occasion which required him to allude to the subject. The North can have peace at any moment. All that they need to do is to let us alone-cease to fight us; or, if they prefer, agree to negotiate a peace on terms honorable to both parties. We are willing, always have been willing, and shall continue to be willing. But as long as they fight us the war must continue. For wlrat can we do but defend? We have no power to stop their fighting short of unconditional submission to the terms announced by the President of the United States. Are our people prepared for peace upon those terms? It is an insult to ask the question, unless, indeed, we suppose, contrary to the whole history of our struggle, that they did not count the cost in the beginning, and have no just appreciation of the mighty principles involved. The President of the Confederate States never uttered anything more true than when he said to the unofficial messenger of President Lincoln that "we are not fighting for slavery, but for the right of self-government." So long as the people will keep this great truth in view and obey the inspiration which it should kindle in the breasts of freemen, they cannot be conquered. They may have their land desolated, their property destroyed, their towns and cities burned and sacked, but subjugated they never can be. We cannot have peace so long as the present rulers of the United States are in power. We may not even if the Chicago movement should be successful. But let us wait and hope for the change and for peace. If it come not, then we must rely upon the omnipotence of truth and right, and the judicious economy and use of the means which God has given us. Patience, fortitude, courage, hope, and faith are as much elements of heroic patriotism as they are of Christian perfection. It is indispensable to cherish them with untiring devotion, and as the only condition on which liberty can be gained or preserved. Her christening, from the beginning, was the baptism of blood. She requires her votaries to lock arms and shields around her altar, resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves. If this be the spirit of the people, ultimate success will be the reward for their suffer ings and sacrifices. For their encouragement history is replete with examples, of which none is more striking or more inspiring than that of the revolution of 1776. Then let there be no despondency, no relaxation of effort and energy, no abatement of courage and heroic resolve. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. Letters from Lieut. Gen. Grant. MEMPHIS, TENN., August 26, 1863. GENTLEMEN: I received a copy of the resolutions passed by the "loyal citizens of Memphis, at a meeting held at the rooms of the Chamber of Commerce, August 25, 1863," tendering me a public reception. In accepting this testimonial, which I do at a great sacrifice of my personal feelings, I simply desire to pay a tribute to the first public exhibition in Memphis of loyalty to the Government which I represent in the Department of the Tennessee. I should dislike to refuse, for con-iderations of personal convenience, to acknowledge, anywhere or in any form, the existence of sentiments which I have so long and so ardently desired to see manifested in this Department. The stability of this Government and the unity of this nation depend solely on the cordial support and the earnest loyalty of the people. While, therefore, I thank you sincerely for the kind expressions you have used toward myself, I am profoundly gratified at this public recognition, in the city of Memphis, of the power and authority of the Government of the United States. I thank you, too, in the name of the noble army which I have the honor to command. It is composed of men whose loyalty is proved by their deeds of heroism and their willing sacrifices of life and health. They will rejoice with me that the miserable adherents of the rebellion, whom their bayonets have driven from this fair land, are being replaced by men who acknowledge human liberty as the only true foundation of human government. May your efforts to restore your city to the cause of the Union be as successful as has been theirs to reclaim it from the despotic rule of the leaders of the rebellion. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your very obedient servant, U.S. GRANT, Major General To Messrs. R. HOUGH, and others, Committee, Memphis. The following is an extract of a letter from Lieut. Gen. Grant, dated, HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, Hon. E. B. WASHBURNE: A nan lost by them cannot be replaced. They have robbed alike the cradle and the grave to get their present force. Besides what they lose in frequent skirmishes and battles, they are now losing, from desertions and other causes, at least one regiment per day. With this drain upon them the end is not far distant if we will only be true to ourselves. Their only hope now is in a divided North. This might give them re-enforcements from Tennessee. Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri, while it would weaken us. With the draft quietly enforced, the enemy would become despondent and would make but little resistance. I have no doubt but the enemy are exceedingly anxious to hold out until after the Presidential election. They have many hopes from its effects. They hope a counter revo tion; they hope the election of a Peace candidate; in fact, like Micawber, they hope for something to turn up. Our peace friends, if they expect peace from separation, are much mistaken. It would be but the beginning of war, with thousands of Northern men joining the South because of our disgrace in allowing separation. To have peace on any terms," the South would demand the restoration of their slaves already freed. They would demand indemnity for losses sustained, and they would demand a tresty which would make the North slave hunters for the South. They would demand pay or the restoration of every slave escaping to the North. Yours truly,. U. S. GRANT. Grant and Sherman on the Draft. CITY POINT, September 13, 10.30 A. M. Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War: We ought to have the whole number of men called for by the President in the shortest possible time frompt action in filling our armies will have more effect up n the enemy than a victory over them. They profess to believe, and make their men believe, there is such a party North in favor of recognizing Southern independence that the draft cannot be enforced. Let them be undeceived. Desorters come into our lines daily, who tell us that the men are nearly universally tired of the war, and that desertions would be much more frequent, but that they believe peace will be negotiated after the fall election. The enforcement of the draft and prompt filling up of our armies will save the shedding of blood to an immense degree. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. ATLANTA, GA., September 13, 6. 30 A. M. Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War: I am very glad to hear the draft will be enforced. First we need the men; and secondly, they come as privates to fill up our old and tried regiments, with their experienced officers already on hand; and thirdly, because the enforcement of the law will manifest a power resident in our Government equal to the occasion. Our Government, though a democracy, should, in times of trouble and danger, be able to wield the power of a great nation. All is well here. W. T. SHERMAN, Major General. The following letters of President Andrew Jackson, which have never before been published, have been handed to us by the gentleman to whom they were written. They contain | sentiments and advice which we recommend to all who love the Union now.-N. Y. Post. WASHINGTON, November 2, 1832. MY DEAR SIR: I have just received your letter of the 31st ultimo, with the enclosure, for which I thank you. I am well advised of the views and proceedings of the great leading nullifiers of the South in my native State, (C) and weep for its fate, and over the delusion into which the people are led by the wickedness, ambition, and folly of their leaders. I have no doubt of the intention of their leaders, first to alarm the other states to submit to their views rather than a dissolution of the Union should take place. If they fail in this, to cover their own disgrace and wickedness, to nullify the tariff, and secede from the Union. We are wide awake here. The Union will be preserved, rest assured of this. There has been too much blood and treasure shed to obtain it, to let it be surrendered without a struggle. Our liberty and that of the whole world rests upon it, as well as the peace, prosperity, and happiLess of these United States. It must be perpetuated. I have no time to say more. My health is good, improved by the travel With a tender of my kind salutations to you and your amiable family, I am, sincerely your friend, ANDREW JACKSON. Col. J. A. HAMILTON. WASHINGTON, December 6, 1832. MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 3d instant is just received. I accord with you fully in the propriety of the people giv. ing fully and freely their sentiment and opinions on nullification, and the course pursued by South Carolina in her late proceedings. The ordinance passed, when taken in connection with the Governor's Message, is rebellion and war against the Union. The raising of troops under them to resist the laws of the United States is absolute treason The crisis must be, and as far as my constitutional and legal powers go will be, met with energy and firmness. Therefore the propriety of the public voice being heard, and it ought now to be spoken in a voice of thunder that will make the leaders of the nullifiers tremble, and which will cause the good citizens of South Carolina to retrace their steps and adhere to that Constitution of perpetual Union they have sworn to support. This treasonable procedure against the Union is a blow against not only our liberties, but the liberties of the world. This nullifying movement in the South has done us great injury abroad, and must not only be promptly met and put down. but frowned down by public opinion. It is therefore highly proper for the people to speak all over the Union. I am preparing a proclamation to the people of the South, and as soon as officially advised of these rebellious proceed ings, will make a communication to Congress. I can say no more, as I am surrounded at present, and bid you, for the present, adieu. ANDREW JACKSON. Col. J. A. HAMILTON. Constitutional Convention. To complete the record on pages 62, 64, 69, 70, and 294, these proceedings should be inserted: FIRST SESSION THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. 1861, August 5-Pending the Engineer bill in the Senate, Mr. JOHNSON, of Missouri, offered this section: That this Congress recommend to the Governors of the several States to convene their Legislatures, for the purpose of calling an election to select two delegates from each Congressional District, to meet in general convention, in Louisville, in Kentucky, on the first Monday in September next; the purpose of the said convention to be to devise measures for the restoration of peace to our country. Which was rejected-yeas 9, nays 29, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Breckinridge, Bright, Johnson of Missouri, Latham, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Saulsbury-9. NAYS-Messrs. Baker, Browning, Carlile, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harris, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Morrill, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson-29. The Reconstruction of States. MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR HAHN. The newly-elected Legislature of Louisiana met October 3, 1864, and the Senate was organized by the election of John E. Neellis as Secretary, and John T. Wood as Sergeant-at Arms. The House of Representatives elected the following officers: Speaker, S. Belden; Secretary, H. C. Westerfield; Sergeant-at-Arms, M. DeCoursey. On the 6th, Governor Hahn delivered his message, from which we make the following ex tracts: The unsettled condition of the country, the absence or other causes, have conspired to throw much difficulty in the destruction of most of the public archives and various way of a full organization of a State Government. The want of a Legislature, and the sudden uprooting of many important, yet unwise and illiberal laws and institutions, by military orders, rendered it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for the Executive of the State to perform his duties satisfactorily and understandingly to the public, or to properly reconcile and harmonize the various conflicting rules of government and interests of the State. I was somewhat aided in this dilemma by the President of the United States, who, shortly after my inauguration, invested me, without any solicitation or suggestion on my part, "with the powers exercised hitherto by the Military Governor of Louisiana." Fortunately, the harmony which has characterized the intercourse of the military and civil authorities of this State has rendered the exercise of any such powers by me almost unnecessary. The principal subject upon which I have used these powers are, the appointment of public officers, the payment of money from the State Treasury for just and pressing purposes, and after recommendation from proper officers, and the exercise of executive clemency. As I said in my inaugural address, for the moment civil government must necessarily harmonize with military administration" and, while we recognize the paramount authority of the military power, we should not forget that it desires to surrender as speedily as possible the power to the people. The very object of the army of the United States in remaining here is to maintain Louisiana and the neighboring States in the Union; and the only way of doing this is to disperse and overthrow those who pretend to set up a rebel government, and to guarantee to the loyal a republican form of State government. The great duty of the Legislature will be to provide a system of laws applicable to the new condition of things consequent upon the attempt to overthrow the Government. The obliteration of an interest so extended as that of slavery necessarily makes great changes in the events, opinions and business of the people; and the highest possible wisdom is required to adapt the State to its new con dition. The change from servile to compensated labor requires careful, liberal and humane legislation, in order to secure the rights of those people who have not been ac customed to provide for and protect themselves. Inasmuch as Louisiana is the first State that makes this change upon an extended scale, so it ought to be the first to establish a form of government which shall meet all the exigencies of the case, securing to the public the products upon which the wealth of the State and people depend, and to laborers their full rights. * * ** * Counsel should be taken and suggestions invited from intelligent people of all parts of the world upon this subject, and such system established as will, while it will meet our wants, furnish a model for the legislation of other States. It need not be executed in a hurry; the subject is of the highest possible importance, and should be dealt with in a spirit of enlightened liberality and humanity. The assistance of the military authorities furnishes an immediate government, but another system must be established ultimately, and the people cannot begin too soon to prepare. According to law, the election of Presidential electors is to take place in November. I know of no reason why Louisiana should not participate in that election on a footing with the other States. She has forfeited her rights under no Constitutional provision or Congressional statute. She has instituted civil rule, and has a loyal State Government, embracing executive, legislative, and judicial branches; all of which are in effective operation. In the attributes of State government, she stands the peer of the loyal States whose soil has never been trodden by the foot of rebellion, has suffered by the rebellion, and the temporary rule of the rebel Confederacy is her misfortune; but so far as the laws at present stand, it is no abridgement of the rights of her loyal citizens. ** * * Although the new Constitution has fixed the term of the State officers at four years, it has wisely provided that the term of those now in office (who were elected at a time when many parishes could not participate in the election) shall expire at an early day, in case of the restoration of peace in the whole State; and it is made my duty, as soon as an election can be held "in every parish of the State," to declare the fact and order a new election. I need hardly tell you that I shall have real pleasure when this event shall be at hand. While I have the best reasons for believing that tho rebellion is now almost extinct in every portion of the State, and that only scattered fragments smoulder in insignificant proportions at different points, the time so anxiously desired by me to deliver my trust has not yet come. Let us hope that it may not be delayed many months. We have good grounds for believing that circumstances will soon have completely changed, so that every parish will have returned to its duty, assisted and protected by the national power, and the whole people will exercise their right to elect State officers. LOUISIANA UNITED STATES SENATORS. The free State Legislature of Louisiana has chosen Charles Smith, of the parish of St. Mary's, a United States Senator, vice Judah P. Benjamin, whose time expires with the ensuing session, and R. K. Cutler, to fill, for the three ensuing years, the seat which was left vacant by John Slidell. Mr. Smith is a carpenter by trade. He has been Sheriff of, and is now the State Senator from, his own parish. Mr. Cutler is a leading lawyer of New Orleans, and has filled several important posts in the parish of Jefferson. He was a prominent member of the Constitutional Convention. TENNESSEE. 1862, March 3-ANDREW JOHNSON was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee. For form of appointment, see page 179. PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. STATE OF TENNESSEE, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, NASHVILLE, TENN, Sept. 10, 1864. Whereas, a respectable portion of the loyal people of Tennessee, representing a large number of the counties of the State, and supposed to reflect the will of the Union men in their respective counties, recently held a convention in the city of Nashville, in which, among other things touching the reorganization of the State, they with great unanimity adopted the following resolutions; 2. Resolved, That the people of Tennessee who are now and have been attached to the National Union do hold an election for President and Vice President in the ensuing election in November. 3. Resolved, That the electors shall be the following and no others; the same being free white men, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, and for six months previous to the election citizens of the State of Tennessee: 1st. All who have voluntarily borne arms in the service of the United States during the present war, and who are either in the service or have been honorably discharged. 2. All the known active friends of the Government of the United States in each county. 4. Resolved, That the citizen electors designated in the foregoing resolutions shall, at least fifteen days before the election, register their names with an agent to be appointed for that purpose, and no citizen not thus registered shall be allowed to vote. Such registration shall be open to the public for inspection, and to be executed according to such regulations as may hereafter be prescribed: Provided, that the officers of election, in the discharge of their duty, may reject any party so registered on proof of disloyalty. 5. Resolved, That, as means for ascertaining the qualifications of the voters, the registrars and officers holding the election may examine the parties on oath touching any matter of fact. And each voter, before depositing his vote shall be required to take and subscribe the following oath, viz: I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all enemies; that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and the enemy of the so-called Confederate States; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present rebellion against the Govern ment of the United States; that I sincerely rejoice in the triumph of the armies and navies of the United States, and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies, navies, and of all armed combinations in the interest of the so-called Confederate States; that I will cordially oppose all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union, and that I will heartily aid and assist the loyal people in whatever measures may be adopt ed for the attainment of these ends; and further, that I take this oath freely and voluntarily, and without mental reservation. So help me God. Said oath being prima facie evidence, subject to be dis approved by other testimony. 6. Resolved, That the polls be opened at the county seat, or some other suitable place in each county, and the ballotbox be so guarded and protected as to secure to electors a free, fair, and impartial election, and that polls also be opened for the convenience of the soldiers, at such places as may be accessible to them. And whereas, it further appears from the proceedlings of said Convention, "That the Military Governor of the State of Tennessee is requested to execute the foregoing resolu tions in such manner as he may think best subserves the interests of the Government:" And whereas, I, Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of the State of Tennessee, being anxious to co-operate with the 1863, September 19-The PRESIDENT gave loyal people of the State, and to encourage them in all him this further direction: Hon. ANDREW JOHNSON, Military Governor of Tennessee: You are hereby authorized to exercise such powers as may be necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of Tennessee to present such a republican form of State goverument as will entitle the State to the guarantee of the United States therefor, and to be protected, under such State government, by the United States, against invasion and domestic violence. All according to the 4th section of the 4th article of the Constitution of the United States. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1864, September 30-Gov. JOHNSON issued a proclamation, ordering an election in Tennessee for electors for President and Vice President, under certain regulations and restrictions, as follows: laudable efforts to restore the State to law and order again, and to secure the ballot-box against the contamination of treason by every reasonable restraint that can be thrown around it, I do therefore order and direct that an election for President and Vice President of the United States of America be opened and held at the county seat, or other suitable place, in every county in the State of Tennessee, upon the first Tuesday after the first Monday in the month of November next, at which all citizens and soldiers, being free white men, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States, and for six months prior to the election citi zens of the State of Tennessee, who have qualified themselves by registration, and who take the oath prescribed in the foregoing resolutions, shall be entitled to vote, unless said oath shall be disapproved by other testimony, for the candidates for President and Vice President of the United |