Henry C. Chambers, Otho R. Singleton, Ethelbert Barks- | Alabama-Thomas J. Foster, William R. Smith,* Williamdale, John J. McRae-7. Missouri-Thomas A. Harris, Casper W. Bell, A. H. Conrow, George G. Vest, Thoinas W. Freeman, William II. Cook-6. North Carolina-W. N. H. Smith, Robert R. Bridgers, Owen South Carolina-John McQueen, William Porcher Miles, Virginia-Muscoe R. H. Garnett, John R. Chambliss, James October 9, 1862, at the second session, Elias C. Boudinot was admitted a delegate from the Cherokee nation. South Carolina-Mr. Bonham was elected Governor in January, 1863, and was succeeded by Lewis M. Ayer. Tennessee Mr. Currin died during the Congress, after his election to the second Congress. Texas-Mr. Wilcox died during the Congress, after his election to the second Congress. Virginia-Mr. Garnett died, January 12, 1964. Mr. Pryor was appointed a brigadier general in the fall of 1862, and was succeeded by Charles F. Collier. Mr. Smith accepted a colonel's commission, was succeeded by David Funsten, and was elected Governor in 1863. Mr. Baldwin was appointed a colonel of Virginia troops in the fall of 1861, by Governor Letcher. Mr. Jenkins was appointed brigadier general, and resigned in June or July, 1862; was succeeded by Samuel A. Miller; and died in the summer of 1864, in Southwestern Virginia, of wounds received in battle. THE SECOND CONGRESS. FEBRUARY 19, 1861, TO FEBRUARY 18, 1866. The first session closed June 15; the second began Nov. 7. SENATORS. son R. W Cobb,† Marcus II. Cruikshank, Francis S. Lyon, William P. Chilton,* David Clopton, James L. Pugh, J. S. Dickinson-9. Arkansas-Felix I. Batson, Rufus K. Garland, Augustus II. Garland, Thomas B. Hanley* 4. Florida-St. George Rogers, Robert B. Hilton*-2. Georgia-Julien Hartridge, William E. Smith, Mark II. Blanford, Clifford Anderson, J. T. Shewmake, J. II. Echols, James M. Smith, II. P. Bell, George N. Lester, Warren Aiken-10. Kentucky-Willie B. Machen, George W. Triplett, Henry E. Read, George W. Ewing, James S. Chrismen. The odore L. Eurnett, II. W. Bruce, Humphrey Marshall, Ely M. Bruce, James W. Moore, Benjamin F. Bradley, John M. Elliott-12. Louisiana-Charles J. Villere, Charles M. Conrad,* Dun can F. Kenner, Lucius J. Dupre, B. L. Hodge, John Perkins, Jr-6. Mississippi-John A. Orr, William D. Holder,* Israel Welsh, Henry C. Chambers. Otho R. Singleton,* Ethelbert Barksdale, J. T. Lumpkin-7. Missouri-Thomas L. Snead, N. L. Norton, John B. Clark, A. II. Conrow, George G. Vest, Peter S. Wilkes, R. A. Hatcher-7. North Carolina-William N. H. Smith, Robert R. Bridgers,* J. T. Leach, Thomas C. Fuller, Josiah Turner, Jr., John A. Gilmer, James M. Leach, James G. Ramsay, Burgess S. Gaither, George W. Logan-10. South Carolina-James M. Witherspoon, William Porcher Tennessee-Joseph B. Heiskell, William G. Swan, A. S. Virginia-Robert L. Montague, Robt. II. Whitfield, Williams Arizona-M. H. Macwillie. MEMORANDUM. Arkansas-Augustus H. Garland between the two sessions was elected a Senator in place of Mr. Mitchel, deceased. His vacancy in the House has not yet been filled. Louisiana-B. L. Hodge, sitting at the first session, was not a member at the second, and the vacancy has not been filled. Missouri-Messrs. Snead, Norton and Wilkes were elected during the recess between the two sessions. The following are the changes from the first Tennessee-Michael W. Cluskey was elected during the Congress : Alabama-Richard Wilde Walker, in place of Clement C. Clay, Jr. Mississippi-J. W. C. Watson, in place of James Phelan. Arkansas-Augustus H. Garland, in place of Dr. Charles B. Mitchel, deceased. Missouri-Waldo P. Johnson, in place of Mr. Peyton; and L. M. Louis, in place of Mr. Clark. MEMORANDUM. Arkansas-Mr. Garland was elected September 27, receiving, according to the Washington (Ark.) Telegraph, on the first ballot, 28 votes, Albert Pike receiving 14, and Alfred B. Greenwood 1. Mr. Garland's vacancy in the House has not yet been filled. Missouri-L. M. Louis was elected Senator, in the recess between the first and second sessions. The officers of the Senate are: J. II. Nash, of South Carolina, secretary; E. II. Stevens, of South Carolina, assistant secretary; C. T. Bruen, of Virginia, journal clerk; J. W. Anderson, recording clerk; Lafayette II. Fitzhugh, of Kentucky, sergeant-at-arms; James Page, of North Carolina, doorkeeper. REPRESENTATIVES. Speaker-Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia. States marked thus see memorandum at the end of each list. recess to Mr. Currin's vacancy. Texas-Stephen H. Darden was chosen between the two sessions to the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Wilcox. Georgia, clerk; James McDonald, De Louis Dalton, Henry The officers of the House are: Albert R. Lamar, of C. Lowring, assistant clerks; R. II. Wynn, of Alabama, doorkeeper. Those marked thus were members of the last House. †1864, May 3-Mr. Chilton offered this resolution, which was adopted-yeas 60, nays 6: Whereas, the report is in circulation and has found its way into the public prints impugning the loyalty of the Hon. Williamson R. W. Cobb, member elect of this House from the State of Alabama, and tending to show that he is in complicity with and giving aid and comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, and therefore unfit to be a representative of a loyal constituency; Therefore, Resolved, That a committee of five members be appointed by the Speaker to inquire into such reports, and to collect and report upon the testimony bearing upon the loyalty or disloyalty of said member, and report the same to this House, with such recommendation as to its further action in the premises as to said committee shall seem proper; and that Mr. Cobb be notified by the committee, if practicable, of the sitting of the committee, and that saiu committee have power to send for persons and papers. Mr. Cobb has since come within our lines, and, at the present session, November 17, was expelled from the House. NATIONAL POLITICAL CONVENTIONS. Union National Convention. ing success up to nearly the period when it is necessary, under our Constitution, to prepare for another Presidential are to-day assembled. It is not my duty nor my purpose tion; but I trust I may be permitted to say that, in view of to indicate any general course of action for this Conventhe dread realities of the past, and of what is passing at this moment-and of the fact that the bones of our soldiers lie bleaching in every State of this Union, and with the knowledge of the further fact that this has all been caused This body met at 12 o'clock, noon, on Tues-election. It is for this highly responsible purpose that you day, June 7, at Baltimore, in accordance with the call of the National Executive Committee: The undersigned, who by original appointment, or subsequent designation to fill vacancies, coustitute the Executive Committee created by the National Convention held at Chicago on the 16th day of May, 1860, do hereby call upon all qualified voters who desire the unconditional maintenance of the Union, the supremacy of the Constitution, and the complete suppression of the existing rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war, and all apt and efficient means, to send delegates to a convention to assemble at Baltimore on Tuesday, the 7th day of June, 1864, at 12 o'clock, noon, for the purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States. Each State having a representation in Congress will be entitled to as many delegates as shall be equal to twice the number of electors to which such State is entitled EDWIN D. MORGAN, New York, Chairman. E. HI. ROLLINS, New Hampshire. J. Z. GOODRICH, Massachusetts. HERBERT M. HOXIE, Iowa. JOS. GERHARDT, District of Columbia. The Convention was called to order by the Chairman of the Executive Committee, Senator Morgan, of New York, who said: by slavery, the party of which you, gentlemen, are the del- temporary President of this Convention, Robert J. Breck- On being introduced, Dr. Breckinridge, who was most enthusiastically received, said: GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: You cannot be more sensible than I am that the part which I have to perform here to-day is merely a matter of form; and acting upon the principles of my whole life, I was inclined, wraggestion was made to me from various quarters, that it was in the mind of many members of the Convention to confer this distinction upon me, to earnestly decline to accept; because I have never sought honors-I have never sought dis'inction. I have been a working man, and nothing else. But certain considerations led me to change my mind. [Applause.] There is a class of men in the country, far too small for the good of the country-those men who merely by their example, by their pen, by their voice, try to do good-and all the more in perilous times-without regard to the reward that may come. It was given to many such men to understand, by the distinction conferred upon one of the humblest of their class, that they were men whom the country would cherish, and who would not be forgotten. There is another motive relative to yourselves and to the country at large. It is good for you, it is good for every nation and every people, every State and every party, to cherish all generous impulses, to follow all noble instincts; and there are none mire noble, none more generous than to purgo yourselves of all self-seckers and betrayers, and to confer official distinctions, if it be only in mere forms, upon those who are worthy to be trusted, and ask nothing more. [Applause.] Now according to my convictions of propriety, having said this, I should say nothing more. [Cries of "go on."] But it has been intimated to me from many quarters, and in a way which I cannot disregard, that I should disap MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION: It is a little more than eight years since it was resolved to form a national party to be conducted upon the principles and policy which had been established and maintained by those illustrious statesmen, George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. A Convention was held in Philadelphia, under the shade of the trees that surrounded the Hall of Independence, and candidates-Fre-point the wishes of my friends, and perhaps the just expec mout and Dayton-were chosen to uphold our cause. But the State of Pennsylvania gave its electoral vote to James Buchanan, and the election of 1856 was lost. Nothing daunted by defeat, it was immediately determined to fight on this line," not only "all summer," [applause.] but four summers and four winters; and in 1860 the party banner was again unfurled, with the names of Abraham Lincoln [applause] and Hannibal Hamlin inscribed thereon. This time it was successful, but with success came rebellion; and with rebellion of course came war; and war, terrible civil war, has continued with vary tations of the Convention, if I did not as briefly, and yet as precisely as I could, say somewhat upon the great matters which have brought us here. Therefore, in a very few words, and as plainly as I can, I will endeavor to draw your attention to one and another of these great matters in which we are all engaged. In the first place, nothing can be more plain than the fact that you are here as the representatives of a great nation-voluntary representatives chosen without forms of law, but as really representing the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the prejudices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and already passed by votesfor the man that you will nominate here for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler of a great people in a great cricis, is just as certain I suppose to become that ruler as anything under heaven is certain before it is done. [Prolonged cheering.] And, moreover, you will allow me to say, though perhaps it is hardly strictly proper that I should-but as far as I know your opinions I suppose it is just as certain now before you utter it whose name you will utter, and which will be responded to from one end to the other of this nation, as it will be after it has been uttered and recorded by your secretary. Does any man doubt that this Convention intends to say that Abraham Lincoln shall be the nominee? [Great applause.] What I wish, however, to call your attention to is the grandeur of the mission upon which you are met, and therefore the dignity and solemnity, earnestness and conscientiousness with which, representing one of the greatest and certainly one of the first people of the world, you ought to discharge these duties. [Applause.] Now, besides the nomination of President and Vice President, in regard to which second office I will say nothing, because I know there is more or less difference of opinion among you; but besides these nominations, you have other most solemn duties to perform. You have to organize this party thoroughly throughout the United States. You have to put it in whatever form your wisdom will suggest that will unite all your wisdom, energy, and determination to gain the victory which I have already said was in our power. More than that, you have to lay down with clearness and precision the principles on which you intend to carry on this great political contest and prosecute the war which is underneath them, and the glory of the country which lies before us if we succeed. Plainly not in a double sense-briefly-not in a treatise-with the dignity and precision of a great people to utter, by its representatives, the political principles by which they intend to live, and for the sake of which they are willing to die. So that all men everywhere may understand precisely what we mean, and lay that furrow so deeply and clearly that while every man who is worthy to associate with freemen may see it and pass over it, every man who is unworthy may be either unable to pass it or may be driven far from us. We want none but those who are like us to be with us [Applause.] Now, among these principles, if you will allow me to say it, the first and most distinct is, that we do not intend to permit this nation to be destroyed. [Applause.] We are a nation-no doubt a peculiar one-a nation formed of States, and no nation except as these States form it. And these States are no States except as they are States in that nation. They had no more right to repudiate the nation than the nation has to repudiate them. None of them had even the shadow of a right to do this, and God helping us, we will vindicate that truth so that it shall never be disputed any more in this world. [Applause.] It is a fearful alternative that is set before us, but there are great compensations for it. Those of you who have attended to this subject know, or ought to know, that from the foundation of the present Government, before and since our present Constitution was formed, there have always been parties that had no faith in our Government. The men that formed it were doubtful of its success, and the men that opposed its formation did not desire its success. And I am bold to say, without detaining you on this subject, that with all the outcry about our violations of the Constitution, this present living generation and this present Union party are more thoroughly devoted to that Constitution than any generation that has ever lived under it. [Applause.] While I say that, and solemnly believe it, and believe it is capable of the strongest proof, I may also add that it is a great error which is being propagated in our land, to say that our national life depends merely upon the sustaining of that Constitution. Our fathers made it, and we love it. But if it suits us to change it we can do so. [Applause.] And when it suits us to change it we will change it. [Applause.] If it were torn into ten thousand pieces the nation would be as much a nation as it was before the Constitution was made-a nation always that declared its independence as a united people, and lived as a united people until now-a nation independent of all particular institutions under which they lived, and capable of modelling them precisely as their interests require. We ought to have it distinctly understood by friends and enemies that while we love that instrument we will maintain it, and will, with undoubted certainty, put to death friend or foe who undertakes to trample it under foot; yet, beyond a doubt, we will reserve the right to alter it to suit ourselves from time to time and from generation to generation. [Applause.] One more idea on that subject. We have incorporated in that instrument the right of revolution, which gives us, without a doubt, the right to change it. It never existed before the American States, and by the right to change there is no need of rebellion, insurrection, or civil war, except upon a denial of the fundamental principles of all free governments-that the major part must rule; and there is no other method of carrying on society, except that the will of the majority shall be the will of the whole-or that the will of the minority shall be the will of the whole. So that, in one word, to deny the principles I have tried to state is to make a dogmatic assertion that the only form of government that is possible with perfect liberty and acknowledged by God is a pure and absolute despotism. The principles therefore which I am trying to state before you are principles which, if they be not true, freedom is impossible, and no government but one of pure force can exist or ought to endure among men. But the idea which I wished to carry out, as the remedy for these troubles and sorrows, is this: Dreadful as they are, this fearful truth runs through the whole history of mankind, that whatever else may be done to give stability to authority, whatever else may be done to give perpetuity to institutions-however wise, however glorious, practicable, and just may be the philosophy of it-it has been found that the only enduring, the only imperishable cement of all free institutions, has been the blood of traitors. No Government has ever been built upon imperishable foundations which founda tions were not laid in the blood of traitors. It is a fearful truth, but we had as well avow it at once, and every blow you strike, and every rebel you kill, every battle you win, dreadful as it is to do it, you are adding, it may be, a yearit may be ten years-it may be a century-it may be ten centuries to the life of the Government and the freedom of your children. [Great applause.] Now, passing over that idea-passing over many other things which it would be right for me to say, did the time serve and were this the occasion, let me add-you are a Union party. [Applause.] Your origin has been referred to as having occurred eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But you are far older than that. I see before me not only primitive Republicans and primitive Abolitionists, but I see also primitive Democrats and primitive Whigs-primitive Americans, and, if you will allow me to say so, I myself am here, who all my life have been in a party to myself. [Laughter and applause.] As a Union party I will follow you to the ends of the earth and to the gates of death. [Applause.] But as an Abolition party-as a Republican party as a Whig party-as a Democratic party-as an American party, I will not follow you one foot. [Applause.] But it is true of the mass of the American people, however you may divide and scatter while this war lasts, while the country is in peril, while you call yourselves as you do in the call of the Convention, the Union party-you are for the preservation of the Union and the destruction of this rebellion, root and branch. And in my judgment, one of the greatest errors that has been committed by our admin. istration of the Federal Government, the Chief of which we are about to nominate for another term of office-one of the errors has been to believe that we have succeeded where we have not succeeded, and to act in a manner which is precisely as if we had succeeded, You will not, you cannot, succeed until you have utterly broken up the military power of these people. [Applause.] I will not detain you upon these incidental points, one of which has been made prominent in the remarks of the excellent Chairman of the National Committee. I do not know that I would be willing to go so far as probably he would. But I cordially agree with him in this-I think, considering what has been done about slavery, taking the thing as it now stands, overlooking altogether, either in the way of condemnation or in the way of approval, any act that has brought us to the point where we are, but be lieving in my conscience and with all my heart, that what has brought us where we are in the matter of slavery, is the original sin and folly of treason and secession, because you remember that the Chicago Convention itself was understood to say, and I believe it virtually did explicitly say, that they would not touch slavery in the States, leav ing it therefore altogether out of the question how we came where we are, on that particular point, we are prepared to go further than the original Republicans themselves were prepared to go. We are prepared to demand not only that the whole territory of the United States shall not be made slave, but that the General Government of the American people shall do one of two things-and it appears to me that there is nothing else that can be done either to use the whole power of the Government, both the war power and the peace power, to put slavery as nearly as possible back where it was-for, although that would be a fearful state of society, it is better than anarchy; or else to use the whole power of the Government, both of war and peace, and all the practical power that the people of the United States will give them to exterminate and extinguish slav ery. [Prolonged applause.] I have no hesitation in saying for myself that if I were a pro-slavery man, if I believed this institution was an or dinance of God, and was given to man, I would unhesitat ingly join those who demand that the Government should | consecrated; the patriotic harmony that has marked our be put back where it was. But I am not a pro-slavery man-assembling and will characterize all our proceedings, and I never was; I unite myself with those who believe it is presenting that harmony which will display itself in the contrary to the brightest interests of all men and of all unanimous nomination for the Presidency of the United governments, contrary to the spirit of the Christian religion, States of the wise and good man whose unselfish devotion and incompatible with the natural rights of man. I join to the country, in the administration of the Government,、 myself with those who say away with it forever; [applause;] ha3 secured to him not only the admiration, but the warmand I fervently pray God that the day may come when est affection of every friend of constitutional liberty? [Apthroughout the whole land every man may be as free as you plause.] are, and as capable of enjoying regulated liberty. [Prolonged applause.] I will not detain you any longer. One single word you will allow me to say in behalf of the State from which I come, one of the smallest of the thousands of Israel. We know very well that our eleven votes are of no consequence in the Presidential election. We know very well that in our present unhappy condition, it is by no means certain that we are here to-day representing the party that will cast the majority of the votes in that unhappy State. I know very well that the sentiments which I am uttering will cause me great odium in the State in which I was born, which I love, where the bones of two generations of my ancestors and some of my children are, and where very soon I shall lay my own. I know very well that my colleagues will incur odium if they indorse what I say, and they, too, know it. But we have put our faces toward the way in which we intend to go, and we will go in it to the end. If we are to perish, we will perish in that way. All I have to say to you is, help us if you can; if you cannot, believe in your hearts that we have died like men, Rev. J McKendree Reiley, of the Methodist Episcopal church, offered a prayer, when those States which are represented in Congress were called for lists of delegates. At the evening session of Tuesday the permanent organization was n ade, with Hon. WILLIAM DENNISON, of Ohio, as President. On taking the chair, he said: I thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, and while I shall bring to the discharge of the duties of the chair little experience in parliamentary rules, it will be my pleasure, as my duty, to spare no effort in contributing, to the extent of my ability, to the facilitating of the business of the Convention, and securing such results from your deliberations as will meet the loyal expectations of the country. We meet here as representatives of the true friends of the Government and of impartial liberty-of that large portion of the people who gratefully appreciate the unmatched blessings which flow from our institutions well administered, and reject any form of human enslavement, not in punishment of crime, as no less incompatible with the rights of humanity than with the genius and the peaceful workings of republican government. [Prolonged applause.] In no sense do we meet as members or representatives of either of the old political parties which bound the people, or the champions of any principle or doctrine peculiar to either. The extraordinary condition of the country since the outbreak of the rebellion has, from necessity, taken from the issues of these partics their practical significance, and compelled the formation of substantially new political organizations; hence the origin of the Union party-if party it can be called-of which this Convention is for the purpose of its assembling, the accredited representative, and the only test of membership in which is an unreserved, unconditional loyalty to the Government and the Union. Let me congratulate you upon the favorable auspices of your meeting. While the deepest anxiety is felt by ali patriotic men as to the result of the war unjustifiably forced upon the Government by the bad, ambitious men and their deceived followers in the rebellious States, and the country is filled with distress and mourning over the loss of so many of our brave men who have fallen in battle, or died in hospitals from wounds received in defence of the constitutional authorities of the Government, we yet have, in what has been accomplished towards the suppression of the rebellion and the extinguishment of its cause in the heroic deeds of our noble armies and gallant navy-in the renewal of the patriotism of the country that almost seemed to be paralyzed under the influence of our national prosperity-in the unprecedented generosity of the people, awakened by the wants of the Government and the necessities of its defenders-much, very much of the highest felicitation, and for which the country is grateful to Almighty God. [Applause.] And may I not add to these causes of congratulation the formation of the political organization of which this Convention is a representative, which has so nobly sustained the Government in its efforts to put down the rebellion, and to the complete accomplishment of which its energies are I need not remind you of the very grave responsibilities that devolve upon you as members of this convention. The loyal people of the country have authorized and expect you to renew on their part the pledge of their faith to support the Government, in the most vigorous prosecution of the war, to the complete suppression of the rebellion, regardless of the time or the resources required to that end, and they equally expect and call upon you to declare the cause and the support of the rebellion to be slavery, which, as well for its treasonable offences against the Government as for its incompatibility with the rights of humanity and the permanent peace of the country, must, with the termination of the war, and as much speedier as possible, be made to cease forever in every State and Territory of the Union. But I must not refer to other subjects of interest that will challenge your attention. Let me repeat my thanks for your expressions of confidence in me in having selected me to preside over your de liberations. [Applause.] REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. Mr. PRESTON KING, of New York, submitted the report of the majority committee; which was substantially as follows: 1st. That the delegations from the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhodo Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Oregon, California, Kansas, and West Virginia were all regular, and are admitted to seats with all the rights and privileges of members, except one district of Pennsylvania, which had elected four instead of two members. Tho committee admit the two who received the largest number of votes as delegates, and the other two as alternates. 2d. That there being two delegations from the State of Missouri, claiming seats, the committee recommend that those styling themselves the Radical Union Delegation be awarded the seats. [Applause and cheering.] 3d. That the delegates from Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas be admitted to all the privileges of the | floor, except that of voting. 4th. That the delegations from the Territories and the District of Columbia be admitted to seats and all the privileges except that of voting. 5th. That the persons presenting themselves as delegates from the State of South Carolina are not entitled to the rights of delegates on the floor. Mr. W. E. STEVENSON, of Virginia, and Mr. HIRAM SMITH, of Oregon, made a minority report, and recommended that the delegates from the States of Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, Kansas, Tennessee, and Florida, and from all the Territories, be admitted, with the right to vote. Mr. A. H. INSLEY, of Kansas, made a report arguing that, especially in the cases of the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada, the delegates be admitted with the right to vote. That part of the report of the majority relating to the uncontested seats was then adopted. Mr. KING, of New York, offered a substitute covering three points in report of the majority: 1st. He proposed to admit both of the Missouri delegations, and that where they agree they cast the vote to which the State is entitled; where they disagree, the vote of the State shall not be cast. 2d. He proposed to give all the delegates admitted all the rights and privileges of delegates, without exception; but that the District of Columbia and the Territories should have but two votes each, and that no State, District, or Territory should cast more votes than it has delegates pres ent in the Convention. A division of the question was called, When Mr. KING'S amendment relative to Missouri was lost; and the report of the committee, The portions of the majority report, as thus amended, were then agreed to. The Delegates from Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada, were then admitted with the right to vote. And the balance of the report-admitting the Delegates from Virginia and Florida, without the right to vote, rejecting the Delegates from South Carolina, and admitting the Delegates from the remaining Territories without the right to vote, was adopted. This PLATFORM was then adopted unanimously, as reported by Mr. Raymond, of New York, Chairman of the Committee: 1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and the paramount authority of the Constitu tion and laws of the United States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion, we pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment and aiming at a coLimon object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling by force of arms the Rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the Rebels and traitors arrayed against it. [Prolonged applause.] 2. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of the United States not to compromise with Rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the selfsacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor and the undying devotion of the American people to their country and its free institutions. [Applause.] 3. Resolved, That as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and everywhere, hostile to the principles of Repub lican Government, justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil of the Republic [applause; and that while we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of Slavery within the limits or the jurisdic tion of the United States. [Tremendous applause, the delegates rising and waving their hats.] 4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy [applause, who have periled their lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance. [Loud applause and cheers.] 5. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and the unswerving fidelity to the Constitution and the principles of American lib erty, with which Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibililies of the Presidential office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency and es sential to the preservation of the nation and as within the provisions of the Constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held in slavery, [applause;] and that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all other Constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country into full and complete effect. [Vociferous applause.] 6. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that harmony should prevail in the National Councils, and we regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who cordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of the Government. [Applause.] 7. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of war, [applause,] and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in time of war, by the Rebels now in arms, should |