Page images
PDF
EPUB

THE CONSPIRACY OF DISUNION.

In the slaveholding States, a considerable body of men have always been disaffected to the Union. They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government, and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of large masses of men, and prepared them for revolution.

I had prepared an extensive collection of statements and facts bearing upon this point, but am obliged to omit them for want of space. The well-read in our politics can readily recur to a multitude of proofs. I append a few conspicuous points, the first of which is less well known, being from an unpublished journal by Hon. William Maclay, United States Senator from Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3, 1791, being the First Congress under the Constitution. This journal is the property of his relative, George W. Harris, Esq., of Harrisburg, Pa.

An early Threat of Dissolution.

FROM SENATOR MACLAY'S JOURNAL.

therefore, had been found useful among them, came well recommended by experience to us. Drawbacks stand as an example in this point of view to us. If the thing was right in itself, there could be no just argument drawn against the use of a thing from the abuse of it. It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent appoint ments and watchful attention to officers. That as to chang ing the kind of rum, I thought the collection bill would provide for this, by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages. I said a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way. But the debates were very lengthy.

Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with regard to his State, as sure as God was in the firmament. He scattered his remarks over the whole impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive, &c., and solely calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and anon declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate he was. He degenerates into mere declamation. His State would live free, or die glorious.

Opinions of Jackson, Benton, Clay, and others.

Referring to the modus operandi of southern disunionists, General JACKSON's recently-dis

covered letter to Rev. A. J. Crawford is curious for the keenness of its perceptions, and the accuracy of its prediction:

["Private."]

1789, June 9--In relation to the tariff bill, the affair of WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833. confining the East India Trade to the citizens of America "MY DEAR SIR: I have had a laborious task here, had been negatived, and a committee had been appointed to but nullification is dead: and its actors and courtiers will report on this business. The report came in with very only be remembered by the people to be execrated for their high duties, amounting to a prohibition. But a new phe-wicked designs to sever and destroy the only good Governnomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate) since Friday.

Pierce Buller, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like a meteor. He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged (indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South Carolina. He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce. In fact, he was for a navigation act reversed.

June 11-Attended at the hall as usual. Mr. Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the backs in every shape whatever.

ment on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we enjoy over every other portion of the world." "Haman's gallows ought to be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their country in civil war, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm. The tree people of these United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to their proper doom. Take care of your nullifiers; you have them among you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his country. The draw-tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext-its burden was on your coarse woolens. By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was reduced to five per cent. for the benefit of the South. Mr. Clay's bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and Mr. Calhonn and all the nullifiers agree to the principle. The cash duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and after the year 1842, you pay on coarse woolens thirty-five per cent. If this is not protection, I cannot understand; therefore the tariff was only the pretext, and disunion and a southern confederacy the real ob ject. The next pretext will be the negro or slavery question.

Mr. Grayson of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were not ripe for such a thing. We were a new nation, and had no business for any such regulations-a nation sui gen

eris.

Mr. Leet said drawbacks were right, but would be so much abused, he could not think of admitting them. Mr. Ellsworth said New England rum would be exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback.

I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each. We were a new nation, it was true, but we were not a new people. We were composed of individuals of like manners, babits, and customs with the European nations. What,

* Ralph. † William. Richard Henry, from Virginia. Oliver, of Connecticut.

"My health is not good, but is improving a little. Present me kindly to your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend. I will always be happy to hear from you.

"ANDREW JACKSON."

gencer of November 4, 1861, makes these remarks:

BENTON in his Thirty Years' View, says: The regular inauguration of this slavery agitation dates from the year 1835; but it had commenced two years before, However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the caucus and in this way: nullification and disunion had commenced after it met, the most active man in getting it up and press in 1830, upon complaint against protective tariff. That, ing the southern members to go into it was Mr. R. B. Rhett, being put down in 1833 under President Jackson's procla- also a member from South Carolina. The occasion, or almation and energetic measures, was immediately substituted by the slavery agitation. Mr. Calhoun, when he went leged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret home from Congress in the spring of that year, told his deliberation was an anti-slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Verfriends that "the South could never be united against themont, which Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed to the southern members to leave the House and go into North on the tariff question-that the sugar interest of conclave in one of the committee rooms, which they generLouisiana would keep her out-and that the basis of southern We are able to state, howunion must be shifted to the slave question." Then all the ally did, if not all of them. ever, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washing that at least three besides himself of those who did attend ton, published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped tariff agitation, it went there with a purpose very different from an intenand commenced upon slavery, and in two years had the tion to consent to any treasonable measure. These three agitation ripe for inauguration on the slavery question. men were Henry A. Wise, Balie Peyton, and Wm. Cost JohnAnd in tracing this agitation to its present stage, and to son. Neither of them opened his lips in the caucus; they comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that it is went to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas that if a mere continuation of old tariff disunion, and preferred Mr. Pickens or Mr. Calhoun (whom he names) or any one because more available.-Thirty Years in the Senate, vol. 2. else had presented a distinct proposition looking to disMr. CLAY, in a letter to an Alabamian in union, or revolt, or secession, he would have witnessed a 1844, (see his private correspondence, p. 490,) scene not soon to be forgotten. The three whom we have said:

From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly manifest that a party exists in that State seeking a dissolution of the Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr. Tyler's abominable treaty. South Carolina being surrounded by slave States, would, in the event of a dissolution of the Union, suffer only comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky. She has the boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three free States. What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that could befall this nation?

mentioned were as brave as they were determined. Fortunately, perhaps, the man whom they went particularly to watch remained silent and passive.

EARLY HOPES OF THE REBELS.*

Mr. LAWRENCE M. KEITT, when declaiming in Charleston in November, 1860, in favor of the separate secession of that State, used this language, as reported in the Charleston Mercury:

less the better. He was under General Jackson; but for

Hon. Nathan Appleton, of Boston, member of Congress in 1832-3, in a letter dated December 15, 1860, said that when in Congress he "made up his mind that Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, &c., were desirous of a sep-ries. [Applause.] And this Amos Kendall had the same aration of the slave States into a separate confederacy, as more favorable to the security of slave property."

About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a disunion demonstration. It is thus described by Ex-Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October

29, 1861:

Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of the House, to observe that all the members from the slaveholding States were absent. Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked why I was not in attendance on the Southern caucus assembled in the room of the Committee on Claims. I replied that I had received no invitation.

I then proposed to go to the committee room, to see what was being done. When I entered I found that little cocksparrow, Governor Pickens of South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution, which he was urging on the favorable consideration of the meeting:

"Resolved, That no member of Congress representing a Southern constituency shall again take his scat until a resolution is passed satisfactory to the South on the subject of slavery."

But we have been threatened. Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which he said to Col. Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred thousand volunteers were ready to march against her. I know little about Kendall-and the him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction. Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made fortunes far transcending their salagood fortune under Van Buren. He (Kendall) threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other. John Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen millions of Northern men would bring us back. Let me tel! you, there are a million of Democrats in the North, who, when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be found a wall of fire in the front. [Cries of" that's so!" and applause.]

Recently-found letters in Fredericksburg, Virginia, noticed editorially in Harpers' Weekly of May 28, 1864, show that the South calculated confidently upon the defection of large masses of men at the North. The Weekly, commenting on M. F. Maury's letters, says:

How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes of seducing New Jersey into the rebellion, may be gathered from the correspondence that took place in the spring of 1861 between Ex-Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark. Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jersey to do, says: "I believe the Southern Confederation permanent. The proceeding has been taken with forethought and deliberation-it is no hurried impulse, but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, 'equality of the States; and in my opinion every slave State will in a short period of time be found united in one Before that event happens we cannot confederacy. * act, however much we may suffer in our material interests. It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second part of your question- what position for New Jersey will peo-stincts of her people?' I say emphatically she would go best accord with her interests, honor, and the patriotic inwith the South from every wise, prudential, and patriotic reason." Ex Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of Pennsylvaniat and New York will "choose also to cast their lot with the South," and after them the western and northwestern States.

I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the floor, asking to be permitted to take part in

the discussion. I determined at once to kill the treasona

ble plot hatched by John C. Calhoun, the Cataline of Amer-
ica, by asking questions. I said to Mr. Pickens, "What
next do you propose we shall do? Are we to tell the
ple that Republicanism is a failure? If you are for that I
am not. I came here to sustain and uphold American in-
stitutions; to defend the rights of the North as well as the
South; to secure harmony and good fellowship between all
sections of our common country." They dared not answer
these questions. The southern temper had not then been
gotten up. As my questions were not answered, I moved
an adjournment of the caucus sine die. Mr. Craig, of Vir-
ginia, seconded the motion, and the company was broken
up. We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of Penn-
sylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a reso-
lution which temporarily calmed the excitement.

Respecting this event, the National Intelli

See page 20.

+ January 16, 1861-A meeting of Democrats was held in National Hall, Philadelphia, Charles Macalester presiding, at which Robert P. Kane offered this, among other resolutions which were put to the meeting, and declared adopted,

and which, read in the light of this revelation, appear to

LETTER OF EX-PRESIDENT FRANKLIN PIERCE TO JEFFERSON DAVIS, OF JANUARY 6, 1860, FOUND IN DAVIS'S MISSISSIPPI HOME, WHEN TAKEN

BY OUR TROOPS:

CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860. MY DEAR FRIEND: I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since. I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and fidelity are equal to his learning and talents. He says he would rather fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860 than under the auspices of any other leader. The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England. Our people are looking for "the coming man," one who is raised by all the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed by politicians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability, courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism. Colonel Seymour (Thos. H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley. It is true that, in the present state of things at Washington and throughout the country, no man can predict what changes two or three months may bring forth. Let me suggest that, in the running debates in Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the Democracy of the North. I do not believe that our friends at the South have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power but that which fanatical passion on the subject of domestic slavery imparts. Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to secede, I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood; and if, through the madness of northern abolitionism, that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason's and Dixon's line merely. It [will] be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave the country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home would be of little service. I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the coming spring, that while our Union meetings are all in the right direction, and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow political abolitionism at the polls and repeal the unconstitutional and obnoxions laws which, in the cause of "personal liberty," have been placed upon our statute-books. I shall look with deep interest, and not without hope, for a decided change in this relation.

[blocks in formation]

Twelfth, That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and would authorize and require her citizens, through a convention, to be assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South, whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion offers to bind together the broken Union, and resume her

place of loyalty and devotion.

Understood to be Hon. Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857.

merly represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of Congress. Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which he makes himself responsible. Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor of the Southern people. To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of conscience as without any regard to their own safety.

WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.

I charge that on last Saturday night a caucus was held in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas. It was then and there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of the South, and, to con trol all political and military operations for the present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the conventions now in session, and soon to assemble, to pass ordinances for immediate secession; but, in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the Conventions of the seceding States are to retain their representations in the Senate and the House.

They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention of delegates from the seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary Conventions usurping the powers of the people and sending delegates over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a Provional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.

This caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and Virginia into following the se ceding States. Maryland is also to be influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal Governments in Texas.

They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in the South-the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and navy.

The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. Senators entrusted with the representative sovereignty of the States, and sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately conceive a conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the Knights of the Golden Circle, "Committees of Safety," Southern leagues, and other agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened country.

It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be "a monarchy founded upon military principles," or it cannot endure. Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.

It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in "secret sessions." But I call upon the people to pause and reflect before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants.

EATON.

As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite the following extract from the Washingtou correspondence of yesterday's Baltimore Sun:

"The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief of the army of de fence. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman now living. Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott tu military science or courage." The Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1860, published the following telegraphic dispatch:

[From our own Correspondent.] WASHINGTON, Jan. 6.-The Senators from those of the Southern States which have called Conventions of their

people met in caucus last night, and adopted the following | secession. But at the same time they resolved that it would resolutions:

"Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate secession.

"Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861."

These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. A third resolution is also known to have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be divulged at present. There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus on the question of whether the seceding States ought to continue their delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly legislation, or whether the Representatives of the seceding States should all resign together, and leave a clear field to the Opposition to pass such bills, looking to coercion, as they may see fit. It is believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed.

[blocks in formation]

LETTER FROM U. S. SENATOR YULEE OF FLORIDA. WASHINGTON, Jan. 7, 1861. MY DEAR SIR: On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a consultation of the Senators from the seceding States-in which Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were present.

The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once, and provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not later than 15th February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here, force, loan, and volunteer bills might be passed, which would put Mr. LINCOLN in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.

The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the Convention. I have not been able to find

Mr. Mallory this morning. Hawkins is in Connecticut. I have therefore thought it best to send you this copy of the

resolutions.

In haste, yours truly, JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq.,

D. L. YULEE.

"Sovereignty Convention," Tallahassee, Fla. The following were the resolutions referred to:

Resolved 1. That in our opinion each of the Southern States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union.

Resolved 2. That provision should be made for a convention to organize a Confederacy of the seceding States, the convention to meet not later than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama.

Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened against the seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.

Resolved, That a committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this meeting.

be imprudent for them openly to withdraw, as in that case Congress might pass "force, loan, and volunteer bils, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities." No, no! that would not do. (So much patri. otic virtue they half suspected, half feared was left in the country.) On the contrary, "by remaining in our places until the 4th of March it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans frota effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration." Ah! what a tragic background, full of things unutterable, is there there! It appears, however, that events were faster than they, and instead of being able to retain their seats up to the 4th of March, they were able to remain but a very few weeks. Mr. Davis withdrew on the 21st of January-just a fortnight after this "consultation." But for the rest, mark how faithfully the programme here drawn up by this knot of traitors in secret session was realized. Each of the named States represented by this cabal did, “as soon as may be, secede from the Union"-the Mississippi Convention passing its ordinance on the heels of the receipt of these resolutions, on the 9th of January; Florida and "Alabama on the 11th; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of February; while the "organization of the Confede rate Government" took place at the very time appointed, Davis boing inaugurated on the 18th of February.

And here is another plot of the traitors brought to light. These very men, on withdrawing from the Senate, urged that they were doing so in obedience to the command of their respective States. As Mr. Davis put it, in his parting speech, "the ordinance of secession having passed the Convention of his State, he felt obliged to obey the sum mons, and retire from all official connection with the Federal Government." This letter of Mr. Yulce's clearly reveals that they had themselves pushed their State Conventions to the adoption of the very measure which they had the hardihood to put forward as an imperious "summons which they could not disobey. It is thus that treason did its work.

[ocr errors]

Mr. James L. Pugh, member of Congress from Alabama, in a letter, Nov. 24, 1860-"made public his reasons for going to Washington, and taking his seat in Congress. He says: "The sole object of my visit is to promote the cause of secession."

Douglas's Farewell Words.

IN CHICAGO May 1, 1861.

The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The pres ent secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since-formed by lenders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. They use the slavery question as a means to aid the accom plishment of their ends. They desired the election of a northern candidate by a sectional vote, in order to show that the two sections cannot live together. When the history of the two years from the Lecompton question down to the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union. They desired a northern Republican to be elected by a

The preceding letter was found in Fernan-purely northern vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the sections cannot live together. If the disunion candiua, Florida, upon the capture of that city in didate in the late Presidential contest had carried the mithe winter of 1862, and the orginal letter was ted South, their scheme was, the northern candidate 11Cforwarded to the editor of the N. Y. Times by cessful, to seize the Capital last spring, and by a united South and divided North, hold it. Their scheme was de its correspondent who accompanied the expe-feated, in the defeat of the disunion candidates in several dition. The Times of Saturday, March 15, of the southern States. 1862, comments on this development:

The telegraphic columns of the Times of January 7, 1861, contained the following Washington despatch: "The Southern Senators last night (Jan. 5) held a conference, and telegraphed to the conventions of their respective States to advise immediate secession." Now, the present letter is a report by Mr. Yulee, who was present at this "consultation," as he calls it, of the resolutions adopted on this occasion, transmitted to the said Finegan, who, by the way, was a member of the "Sovereign Convention" of Florida, then sitting in the town of Tallahassee.

It will thus be seen that this remarkable letter, which breathes throughout the spirit of the conspirator, in reality lets us into one of the most important of the numerous secret conclaves which the plotters of treason then held in the capital. It was then, as it appears, that they determined to strike the blow and precipitate their States into

The Representative from Florida.

But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known; armies have been raised, war is levied to ac complish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots or traitors! (Cheet after cheer.)

The Conspiracy in Maryland. On page 152, the arrest of Marshal Kane*

[blocks in formation]

and the Board of Police of Baltimore in June, 1861, by General Banks, is noticed. After their arrest, the minutes of their proceedings during the reign of terror" in Baltimore were found, from which these interesting extracts are taken: EXTRACTS FROM THE "MINUTES" OF THE POLICE COMMISSION

ERS OF BALTIMORE, AND FROM THEIR LETTER BOOK; FOUND IN THEIR OFFICE AFTER THEIR ARREST BY GENERAL BANKS. 1861, April 19th, 20th, and 21st-No entry.

April 22d-After debate, Resolved, That notice be immediately given of election for Legislature on Wednesday 24th April, and the sheriff be requested to unite in giving the necessary call therefor.

The Board declared itself to be in permanence. D. J. Foley & Bros.' powder purchased, and the disposition of the same and all other powder to be purchased committed to Col. Isaac Trimble. Henry Thompson, Esq., appointed Quartermaster General, to act under the Mayor.†

Order passed to prevent the transportation of provisions without special permission. Colonel Trimble appointed to enforce the order.

Charles Pitts‡ appeared and offered 200 to 300 negroes to perform any service which the authorities may call on them to do. The Mayor returns thanks, and assures them they shall be called on when any occasion arises when their services can be availed of.

Coleman Yellott authorized to charter a steamer to summon the members of the State Legislature.

Unnecessary parades forbidden in the streets. Extract from a note from Col. Trimble to Howard, President of the Board, found among the papers:

"The display of military will be a sorry one as to the strength of the military of the city, and calculated to dishearten our own citizens, and if represented abroad will rather invite and encourage attempts from the north to defy us and pass through the city, whereas without this display many will think that the military force of the city is much stronger than it really is."

[blocks in formation]

"Telegraphed General Harper, Harper's Ferry, to the effect, that the town is quiet, expressing thanks for his communication, and promising to let him know when any had been seen by us." exigency requiring it shall arise; mentioning that Gwinn

Gwinn reported "six thousand men ready to come down." 4. Another memorandum:

"Gwinn asserts that six thousand troops are at Harper's Ferry." APRIL 25.*

In a letter to John Garrett, Esq., Col. Trimble directed to allow and grant facility for the transportation of 40 kegs of powder to be used by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company in Virginia.

"All police officers and others in the employ of the Board, and all other parties whatsoever, are requested to offer no Order passed authorizing Col. Trimble to permit steam- obstruction to the running of the trains," (i. e., to Washboats to leave for the eastern shore, to and below the Sassa-ington.) fras river, upon condition that in going and returning they shall not stop at Annapolis. April 23. U. S. SHIP ALLEGHANY, BALTIMORE, April 23, 1861. CHARLES HOWARD, Esq., President of the Board of Police. SIK: Having occasion to employ a steamtug in the service of the United States, I have to request that you will authorize me to use one this day in the harbor of Baltimore and the adjacent waters.

I am, respectfully,

WM. W. HUNTER, Com. U.S. N.

Respectfully declined. Communication from Col. Trimble in regard to the removal of the Alleghany. Answer given through Charles Wethered, that the matter was attended to, and the removal forbidden.

Mr. Zenas Barnum called in regard to repairing the telegraph wires on the road to Philadelphia; no action determined on. Mr. Barnum was informed that no communications can pass over the wires for Washington, whether for the War Department or citizens, without being subjected to the inspection of the police board.

Commissary Lee applied for permission to convey provisions into Fort McHenry. He was informed of the impossibility of ensuring him protection in carrying provisions to the fort during the present excitement of public feeling. Application received from Mr. Clarke, Superintendent of the Northern Central Railroad, for permission to rebuild the bridges (which had been destroyed by Kane on the night of the 19th at Melville and the Relay House. This was refused.

Streets red with Maryland blood! Send expresses over the menntains and valleys of Maryland and Virginia for the riflemen to come without delay. Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow, (the 20th.) We will fight them or die. GEO. P. KANE.

This was posted in Frederick, with a placard as follows, signed by Bradley T. Johnson:

All men who will go with me will report themselves as soon as possible; providing themselves with such arms and accoutrements as they can. Double-barrelled shot guns and buck-shot are efficient. They will assemble after reporting themselves at 10 o'clock, so as to go down in the 11 train. Now Major General in rebel service, and a prisoner in our hands, captured at Gettysburg.

†The Mayor was one of the Board.

Restrictions on the export of provisions, breadstuffs, and bituminous coal, removed.

ville, and also to Havre de Grace and Belair, were declined,
Propositions to repair the telegraphic lines to Cockeys-
Appointment made with Col. Trimble and Gen. Thomp-
son by the Mayor and Board, for 6 p. m., to consider and
determine certain matters m reference to the disbursement
of moneys under the ordinance, appropriating $500,000.
Col. Huger furnished plans and specifications for a bomb-
Letter from General Stewart† found among the papers:
April 22, 1861.

proof.

same company of cavalry that was ordered out last night.
"MY DEAR HOWARD: I will endeavor to put on duty the
I know not what to think of the rumors from Annapolis;
but if the Massachusetts troops are on the march from that
place to Washington, I shall be in motion very early to-
making arrangements for an adequate force being here in
morrow morning to pay my respects to them, of course
my absence."

OF POLICE BOARD.

LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF THE MAYOR TO THE PRESIDENT
MAYOR'S OFFICE, April 23, 1861.

CHARLES HOWARD, Esq. :
DEAR SIR: A messenger from Virginia called to inform
the Mayor that Senator Mason will be in the city either on
to-morrow evening or the next day, and wishes an inter-
view with Governor Pratt, Hen. Robert McLean, and J.
Mason Campbell. Respectfully,

D. H. BLANCHARD,
Secretary.

April 26-Colonel Kane reports that the powder purchased by Colonel Trimble's orders, and stored in a church in the west end, has been ordered to be transferred to Vicker's house.

Negroes said to be offering northern notes (!) General

Delegates, when but 9,000 votes were cast, of the 30,000 in
The day after the election for members of Honse of
Baltimore.

+ Stewart was Major General of the 5th Division Maryland militia; is now in the rebel service and our prisoner, hav.

Elected to the Legislature at the election of 24th April. ing been captured in one of the battles of the Wilderness. Member of the State Senate.

To take Fort McHenry.

« PreviousContinue »