1862, Dec. 15-Mr. DAVIS, of Kentucky, nell, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, offered this resolution:

Resolved, That after it had become manifest that an insur-Clurg, Melndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Morrill, Daniel Morris, rection against the United States was about to break out in several of the southern States, James Buchanan, then President, from sympathy with the conspirators and their treasonable project, failed to take necessary and proper measures to prevent it; wherefore he should receive the censure and condemnation of the Senate and the American people.

Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these resolutions Which was rejected-yeas 84, nays 58, (two to the said ALEXANDER LONG during the session of the thirds being required :)

lution on the table; which was disagreed to- | Randall, William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James &

yeas 70, nays 80. A division of the question was called, when

The first resolution was agreed to-yeas 80, nays 70, as follows:

G. Steele, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Voorhees, Ward, Webster,

Rollins, Ross, Scott, Smith, Stebbins, John B. Steele, William

Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield.
Fernando Wood, Yeaman-71.

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Bout YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, well, Boyd, A. W. Clark, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Dawes, DemAshley, Baily, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, ing, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Farnsworth, Frank, Garfield, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Cole, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, J. H. Hubbard, Creswell, Dawes, Deming, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Farns Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelly, Francis W. Kellogg, Orworth, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, lando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, Hotchkiss, John H. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, McIndoe, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Norton, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Long Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, year, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Price, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Schenck, Shannon, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Nor- Sloan, Smithers, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Upson, Van Valton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pome-kenburg, Ellihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, roy, Price, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-70. H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Sinithers, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Van Valkenburg, Ellihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-80.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Baldwin, Francis P. Blair, Bliss, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Chanler, Clay, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Duwson, Denison, Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harrington, B. G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, P. Johnson, Wm. Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Mallory, Marcy, McDowell, McKinney, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Perry, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rodgers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Stebbins, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Voorhees, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton, A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yeaman-70.

The preamble was then agreed to-yeas 78, nays 63, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, Baily, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Dawes, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Frank, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, John H. Hubbard, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, MeClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Ran dall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Smithers, Starr, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, Ellihu B. Wash burne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-78.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona,

The second resolution was laid on the table-Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, James S. Brown, William G. yeas 71, nays 70, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Baily, Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, James S. Brown, Wm. G. Brown, Chanler, Clay, Coffroth, Cox, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, William Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Mallory, Marcy, Mc Dowell, McKinney, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Perry, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J.

Brown, Chanler, Clay, Coffroth, Cox, Dawson, Denison,
Eden, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Hall, Harding,
Benjamin G. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, William
Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Marcy,
Mc Dowell, McKinney, William H. Miller, James R. Morris,
Morrison, Nelson, Noble, Odell, John O'Neill, Pendleton,
Perry, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson,
Rodgers, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, Stebbins, John B.
Steele, William G. Steele, Strous, Stuart, Voorhees, Ward,
Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Winfield,
Fernando Wood, Yeaman-63.

THE CONSPIRACY OF DISUNION.

In the slaveholding States, a considerable | body of men have always been disaffected to the Union. They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government, and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of large masses of men, and prepared them for revolution.

therefore, had been found useful among them, came well recommended by experience to us. Drawbacks stand as an in itself, there could be no just argument drawn against the example in this point of view to us. If the thing was right use of a thing from the abuse of it. It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent appoint ing the kind of rum, I thought the collection bill would provide for this, by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages. I said a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way. But the debates were very lengthy.

ments and watchful attention to othicers. That as to chang

Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with regard to his State, as sure as God was in impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive, &c., and solely the firmament. He scattered his remarks over the whole calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and anon

declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate he was. He degenerates into mere declamation. His State would live free, or die glorious.

I had prepared an extensive collection of statements and facts bearing upon this point, but am obliged to omit them for want of space. The well-read in our politics can readily recur to a multitude of proofs. I append a few conspicuous points, the first of which is less well known, being from an unpublished journal by Hon. William Maclay, United States Senator Opinions of Jackson, Benton, Clay, from Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3, 1791, being the First Congress under the Constitution. This journal is the property of his relative, George W. Harris, Esq., of Harrisburg, Pa.

An early Threat of Dissolution.

FROM SENATOR MACLAY'S JOURNAL.

and others.

Referring to the modus operandi of southern disunionists, General JACKSON's recently-dis

covered letter to Rev. A. J. Crawford is curious for the keenness of its perceptions, and the accuracy of its prediction:

["Private."]

1789, June 9--In relation to the tariff bill, the affair of WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833. confining the East India Trade to the citizens of America "MY DEAR SIR: I have had a laborious task here, had been negatived, and a committee had been appointed to but nullification is dead: and its actors and courtiers will report on this business. The report came in with very only be remembered by the people to be execrated for their high duties, amounting to a prohibition. But a new phe-wicked designs to sever and destroy the only good Governnomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate) since Friday.

Pierce Buller, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like a meteor. He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged (indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South Carolina. He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce. In fact, he was for a navigation act reversed.

June 11-Attended at the hall as usual. Mr. Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in every shape whatever.

Mr. Grayson,† of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were not ripe for such a thing. We were a new nation, and had no business for any such regulations-a nation sui gen

eris.

Mr. Leet said drawbacks were right, but would be 80 much abused, he could not think of admitting them. Mr. Ellsworth said New England rum would be exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback.

I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each. We were a new nation, it was true, but we were not a new people. We were composed of individuals of like manners, babits, and customs with the European nations. What,

• Ralph. † William. Richard Henry, from Virginia. Oliver, of Connecticut.

ment on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we enjoy over every other portion of the world. Haman's gallows ought to be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their country in civil war, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm. The free people of these United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to their proper doom. Take care of your nullifiers; you have them among you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his country. The tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext-its burden was on your coarse woolens. By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was reduced to five per cent. for the benefit of the South. Mr. Clay's bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and Mr. Calhoun and all the nullifiers agree to the principle. Tho cash duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and after the year 1842, you pay on course woolens thirty-five per cent. If this is not protection, I cannot understand; therefore the tariff was only the pretext, and disunion and a southern confederacy the real ob ject. The next pretext will be the negro or slavery question.

"My health is not good, but is improving a little. Present me kindly to your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend. I will always be happy to hear from you. "ANDREW JACKSON."

gencer of November 4, 1861, makes these remarks:

BENTON in his Thirty Years' View, says: The regular inauguration of this slavery agitation dates from the year 1835; but it had commenced two years before, and in this way: nullification and disunion had commenced after it met, the most active man in getting it up and press However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the caucus in 1830, upon complaint against protective tariff. That, being put down in 1833 under President Jackson's proclaing the southern members to go into it was Mr. R. B. Rhett, mation and energetic measures, was immediately substitut ed by the slavery agitation. Mr. Calhoun, when he went home from Congress in the spring of that year, told his friends that "the South could never be united against the North on the tariff question-that the sugar interest of Louisiana would keep her out-and that the basis of southern union must be shifted to the slave question." Then all the papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washing ton, published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped tariff agitation, and commenced upon slavery, and in two years had the agitation ripe for inauguration on the slavery question. And in tracing this agitation to its present stage, and to comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that it is a mere continuation of old tariff disunion, and preferred because more available.-Thirty Years in the Senate, vol. 2. Mr. CLAY, in a letter to an Alabamian in 1844, (see his private correspondence, p. 490,)

said:

From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly manifest that a party exists in that State secking a dissolution of the Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr. Tyler's abominable treaty. South Carolina being surrounded by slave States, would, in the event of a dissolution of the Union, suffer only comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky. She has the boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three free States. What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that could befall this nation?

also a member from South Carolina. The occasion, or alleged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret deliberation was an anti-slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, which Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed conclave in one of the committee rooms, which they gener to the southern members to leave the House and go into ally did, if not all of them. We are able to state, however, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, that at least three besides himself of those who did attend it went there with a purpose very different from an intention to consent to any treasonable measure. These three men were Henry A. Wise, Balie Peyton, and Wm. Cost Johnson. Neither of them opened his lips in the caucus; they went to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas that if Mr. Pickens or Mr. Calhoun (whom he names) or any one else had presented a distinct proposition looking to disunion, or revolt, or secession, he would have witnessed a mentioned were as brave as they were determined. Fortuscene not soon to be forgotten. The three whom we have nately, perhaps, the man whom they went particularly to watch remained silent and passive.

EARLY HOPES OF THE REBELS.*

Mr. LAWRENCE M. KEITT, when declaiming in Charleston in November, 1860, in favor of the separate secession of that State, used this language, as reported in the Charleston Mercury:

Hon. Nathan Appleton, of Boston, member of Congress in 1832-3, in a letter dated December 15, 1860, said that when in Congress he "made up his mind that Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, &c., were desirous of a sep-ries. [Applause.] And this Amos Kendall had the same aration of the slave States into a separate confederacy, as more favorable to the security of slave property."

About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a disunion demonstration. It is thus described by Ex-Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October

29, 1861:

Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of the House, to observe that all the members from the slaveholding States were absent. Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked why I was not in attendance on the Southern caucus assembled in the room of the Committee on Claims. I replied that I had received no invitation.

I then proposed to go to the committee room, to see what was being done. When I entered I found that little cocksparrow, Governor Pickens of South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution, which he was urging on the favorable consideration of the meeting:

"Resolved, That no member of Congress representing a Southern constituency shall again take his scat until a resolution is passed satisfactory to the South on the subject of slavery.'

I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the floor, asking to be permitted to take part in

the discussion. I determined at once to kill the treasonable plot hatched by John C. Calhoun, the Cataline of America, by asking questions. I said to Mr. Pickens, "What next do you propose we shall do? Are we to tell the people that Republicanism is a failure? If you are for that I am not. I came here to sustain and uphold American institutions; to defend the rights of the North as well as the South; to secure harmony and good fellowship between all sections of our common country." They dared not answer these questions. The southern temper had not then been gotten up. As my questions were not answered, I moved an adjournment of the caucus sine die. Mr. Craig, of Virginia, seconded the motion, and the company was broken up. We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a resolution which temporarily calmed the excitement.

Respecting this event, the National Intelli

But we have been threatened. Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which he said to Col. Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred thousand volunteers were ready to march against her. I know little about Kendall-and the less the better. He was under General Jackson; but for him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction. Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made fortunes far transcending their salagood fortune under Van Buren. He (Kendall) threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other. John Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen millions of Northern men would bring us back. Let me tel! you, there are a million of Democrats in the North, who, when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be found a wall of fire in the front. [Cries of" that's so!" and applause.]

Recently-found letters in Fredericksburg, Virginia, noticed editorially in Harpers' Weekly of May 28, 1864, show that the South calculated confidently upon the defection of large masses of men at the North. The Weekly, commenting on M. F. Maury's letters, says:

How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes of seducing New Jersey into the rebellion, may be gathered from the correspondence that took place in the spring of 1861 between Ex-Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark, Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jer sey to do, says: "I believe the Southern Confederation permanent. The proceeding has been taken with forethought and deliberation-it is no hurried impulse, but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, 'equality of the States and in my opinion every slave State will in a short period of time be found united in one Before that event happens we cannot confederacy. * act, however much we may suffer in our material interests. It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second part of your question-what position for New Jersey will best accord with her interests, honor, and the patriotic instincts of her people?' I say emphatically she would go with the South from every wise, prudential, and patriotic reason." Ex Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of Pennsylvaniat and New York will "choose also to cast their lot with the South," and after them the western and northwestern States.

* See page 20.

+ January 16, 1861-A meeting of Democrats was held in National Hall, Philadelphia, Charles Macalester presiding, at which Robert P. Kane offered this, among other resolu tions which were put to the mecting, and declared adopted,

and which, read in the light of this revelation, appear to

LETTER OF EX-PRESIDENT FRANKLIN PIERCE TO
JEFFERSON DAVIS, OF JANUARY 6, 1860, FOUND
IN DAVIS'S MISSISSIPPI HOME, WHEN TAKEN
BY OUR TROOPS:

merly represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of Congress. Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which he makes himself responsible. Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor of the Southern people. To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of conscience as without any regard to their own safety.

WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.

CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860. MY DEAR FRIEND: I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since. I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and fidelity are equal to his learning and talents. He says he would rather fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860 than under the auspices of any other leader. The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England. Our people are looking for "the coming man," one who is raised by all the elements of his I charge that on last Saturday night a caucus was held in character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed by pol- this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, iticians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism. Colonel Texas. It was then and there resolved in effect to assume Seymour (Thos. II.) arrived here this morning, and expressed to themselves the political power of the South, and, to con his views in this relation in almost the identical language trol all political and military operations for the present, used by Mr. Shepley. It is true that, in the present state of they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, arthings at Washington and throughout the country, no man senals, and custom-houses, and advised the conventions now can predict what changes two or three months may bring in session, and soon to assemble, to pass ordinances for imforth. Let me suggest that, in the running debates in Con-mediate secession; but, in order to thwart any operations gress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the of the Government here, the Conventions of the seceding Democracy of the North. I do not believe that our friends States are to retain their representations in the Senate and at the South have any just idea of the state of feeling, hur- the House. rying at this moment to the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power but that which fanatical passion on the subject of domestic slavery imparts. Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to secede, I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood; and if, through the madness of northern abolitionism, that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason's and Dixon's line merely. It [will] be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave the country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home would be of little service. I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. during the coming spring, that while our Union meetings Senators entrusted with the representative sovereignty of are all in the right direction, and well enough for the presthe States, and sworn to support the Constitution of the ent, they will not be worth the paper upon which their United States, while yet acting as the privy councillors of resolutions are written unless we can overthrow political the President, and anxiously looked to by their constituabolitionism at the polls and repeal the unconstitutional ents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberand obnoxions laws which, in the cause of "personal lib-ately conceive a conspiracy for the overthrow of the Goverty," have been placed upon our statute-books. I shall look with deep interest, and not without hope, for a decided change in this relation."

disclose a plan of which ex-Governor Price was likely

aware:

Twelfth, That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and would authorize and require her citizens, through a convention, to be assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South, whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion

They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention of delegates from the seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary Conventions usurping the powers of the people and sending delegates over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a Provional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.

This caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and Virginia into following the seceding States. Maryland is also to be influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal Governments in Texas.

They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in the South-the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and navy.

ernment through the military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the Knights of the Golden Circle, "Committees of Safety," Southern leagues, and other agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened country.

It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be "a monarchy founded upon military principles," or it cannot endure. Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.

It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in "secret sessions." But I call upon the people to pause and reflect before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants.

EATON.

As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite the following extract from the Washingtou correspondence of yesterday's Baltimore Sun:

"The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief of the army of defence. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman now living. Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott tu military science or courage.” The Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1860,

offers to bind together the broken Union, and resume her published the following telegraphic dispatch: place of loyalty and devotion.

* Understood to be Hon. Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857.

[From our own Correspondent.]

WASHINGTON, Jan. 6.-The Senators from those of the Southern States which have called Conventions of their