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counties exclusively, the object was to secure the power of |
the State to the slave-owners. constituting less than sixteen
thousand individuals, as is apparent from the fact that the
number of slaves in the city is less than one per cent, of the
whole population, and that the proportion of slaves to the
whites throughout the northern part of the State is less than
four of the former to one hundred of the latter, whilst they
portion in the favored counties is fifty-six slaves to one hun-
dred white people; and whereas, the Governor, the judges of
the court of appeals, and the United States Senators are elect-
ed according to a similar unjust arrangement, for the same
purpose of confirming and perpetuating this domination of
the slaveholding counties; and whereas, in pursuance of
the same partial and iniquitous scheme, the owners of slave
property are exempted from equal taxation, while they are
compensated to its full value in the case of convict slaves
all of which is an intolerable burden to the majority of our
people, who are, nevertheless, without a remedy under the
present constitution; Therefore
Resolved, That the State constitution ought to be changed,
so as to correct the present unequal representation of the
people in the Legislature, and to secure the right of repre-
sentation in proportion to white population to all parts of
ARCHIBALD STIRLING, JR., Pres't.

the State.

JOHN H. LLOYD, Secretary.

IN CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

1864, June 24-The question recurred on the twenty-third article of the Bill of Rights:

Hereafter, in this State, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, and all persons held to labor as slaves are hereby declared free. An amendment was pending, offered by Mr. Brown, of Queen Anne's, as follows:

And the Legislature shall make provision from the treasury of the State for the comfortable support and maintenance of the helpless and paupers hereby emancipated.

The amendment was rejected-yeas 27, nays 53: YEAS-Messrs. Berry of Baltimore county, Berry of Prince George's, Billingsley, Blackiston, Briscoe, Brown, Chambers, Clarke, Crawford, Dail, Dennis, Duvall, Edelen, Gale, Harwood, Hollyday, Horsey, Johnson, Lansdale, Lee, Marbury, Mitchell, Miller, Parran, Peter, Smith of Dorchester, Turner-27.

NAYS-Messrs. President (H. H. Goldsborough), Abbott,
Annan, Audoun, Baker, Barron, Carter, Cunningham, Cush-
ing, Daniel, Davis of Charles, Davis of Washington, Earle,
Ecker, Farrow, Galloway, Greene, Hatch, Hebb, Hoffman,
Hopkins, Hopper, Jones of Cecil, Keefer, Kennard, King,
Larsh, Mace, Markey, McComas, Mullikin, Murray, Negley,
Nyman, Parker, Purnell, Ridgely, Robinette, Russell, Sands,
Schley, Schlosser, Scott, Smith of Carroll, Sneary, Stirling,
Stockbridge, Sykes, Thomas, Thruston, Valliant, Wickard,
Wooden-53.

The article was then adopted-yeas 53, nays 27:
YEAS-Messrs. H. H. Goldsborough, E. A. Abbott, A. An-
nan, J. H. Audoun, H. Baker, J. Barron, J. S. Berry, Jas. D.
Carter, B. A. Cunningham, Jos. M. Cushing, Wm. Daniel, J.
F. Davis, G. Earle, J. Ecker, W. H. W. Farrow, W. Galloway;
A. C. Greene, S. T. Hatch, H. Hebb, W. H. Hoffman, Joel
Hopkins, J. A. Hopper, T. P. Jones, S. Keefer, B. H. Kennard,
D. King, S. Larsh, W. H. Mace, D. J. Markey, G. M. McComas,
J. F. Mullikin, F. T. Murray, P. Negley, L. B. Nyman, E. L.
Parker, W. T. Purnell, J. L. Ridgely, J. Robinette, T. Rus-
sell, G. W. Sands, F. Schley, P. G. Schlosser, D. Scott, J. E.
Smith, J. R. Sneary, A. Stirling, H. Stockbridge, J. Sykes,
J. L. Thomas, Jr., G. A. Thruston, J. Valliant, J. Wickard,
W. S. Wooden-53.

NAYS-Messrs. S. H. Berry, C. Billingsley, D. G. Blackiston, J. T. Briscoe, J. Brown, E. F. Chambers, D. Clarke, A. J. Crawford, T. I. Dail, Peregrine Davis, J. U. Dennis, E. P. Duvall, R. H. Edelen, W. H. Gale, S. Harwood, G. S. Hollyday. C. Horsey, A. Johnson, Thomas Lansdale, J. Lee, F. Marbury, J. W. Mitchell, O. Miller, C. S. Parran, G. Peter, W. A. Smith, J. Turner-27.

Emancipation.

PROCLAMATIONS OF THE president.

September 22, 1862.*

States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be contin

ued.

That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and

the Potomac is called to General Order No. 139, War Department, September 24th, 1862, publishing to the army the President's prociamation of September 22d.

A proclamation of such grave moment to the nation, offcially communicated to the army, affords to the General Cominauding an opportunity of defining specifically to the officers and soldiers under his command the relation borne by all persons in the military service of the United States towards the civil authorities of the Government.

The Constitution confides to the civil authorities-legislative, judicial, and executive-the power and duty of making, expounding, and executing the Federal laws. Armed forces are raised and supported simply to sustain the civil authorities, and are to be held in strict subordination thereto in all respects. This fundamental law of our political system is essential to the security of our republican institutions, and should be thoroughly understood and observed by every soldier.

The principle upon which and the objects for which ar mies shall be employed in suppressing rebellion must be deterinined and declared by the authorities, and the Chief national affairs, is the proper and only source through Executive, who is charged with the administration of the which the views and orders of the Government can be made known to the armies of the nation.

Discussion by officers and soldiers concerning public measures determined upon and declared by the Government, when carried beyond the ordinary, temperate, and respectful expression of opinion, tend greatly to impair and destroy the discipline and efficiency of the troops, by substituting the spirit of political faction for the firm, steady, and earnest support of the authority of the Government, which is the highest duty of the American soldier. The remedy for political errors, if any are committed, is to be found only in the action of the people at the polis.

In thus calling the attention of this army to the true relation between the soldiers and the Government, the General Commanding merely adverts to an evil against which it has been thought advisable during our whole history to guard the armies of the Republic, and in so doing he will not be considered, by any right minded person, as casting any reflection upon that loyalty and good conduct which has been so fully illustrated upon so many battlefields.

I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United will, of course, be guided by the same rules of mercy and

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In carrying out all measures of public policy this army Christianity that have ever controlled its conduct towards the defenceless.

By command of Maj. Gen. McClellan:

JAMES A. HARDIE, Lieut. Col. Aid-de-Camp and Act'g Ass't Adjt. General.

naval authority thereof, will recognize and | shall have remained loyal thereto throughout maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled "An act to make an additional article of war," approved March 3, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures following:

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an ad

ditional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such.

"ARTICLE. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.

"SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.'

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:

the rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States and their respective States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington this twentysecond day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixtytwo, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:

WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

January 1, 1863.

WHEREAS, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever, free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence bellion against the United States." that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in re

Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for sup

"SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of per: sons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by reb-1 forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. "SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escap-pressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of ing into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, fr many other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or soine offence against the laws, unless the person claiming sid fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the va lidity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service."

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited.

And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who

January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties

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And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the consid erate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

NAYS-Messrs. William J. Allen, Ancona, Baily, Biddle, Clements, Cobb, Cox, Crisfield, Crittenden, Delaplaine, Dun lap, English, Fouke, Granger, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harrison, Holman, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Mallory, May, Maynard, Menzies, Morris, Noble, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, Price, Robinson, Shefield, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Stiles, Benjamin F. Thomas, Vallandigham, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Woodruff, Yeaman—17.

1862, December 15-Mr. S. C. FESSENDEN, of Maine, offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the proclamation of the President of the United States, of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution.

Resolved, That the policy of emancipation, as indicated in that proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of peace, was well chosen as a war measure, and is an exercise of power with proper regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of free government.

Which were adopted-yeas 78, nays 52, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley. Arnold. Babbitt, Baker, Beaman, Bingham, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Bullinton, Burnham, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Cutler, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, Samuel C. Fessenden. Thomas A D Fessenden, Fisher, Franchot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, Haight, Hickman, Hooper, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, Low, McPherson, Mitchell, Moorhead, Auson P. Merrill, Justin S. Morrill, Noell, Patton, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, Sargent, Sedg Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyck, Verree, Walker, Wall, wick, Shellabarger, Sloan, Spaulding, Train, Trowbridge, Washburne, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, Worces

ter-78.

NAYS-Messrs. W. J. Allen, Ancona, Baily, Biddle, Calvert, Cobb, Cox, Cravens, Crisfield, Crittenden, Delaplaine, Dunlap, English, Fouke, Granger, Grider, Hall, Harding, Harrison, Holman, Kerrigan, Knapp, Leary, Mallory, Maynard, Men zies, Morris, Noble, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, Perry, Price,

Richardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Sheffield, Shiel

Done at the city of Washington this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou-Smith, John B. Steele, Stiles, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis sand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.

By the Presidert:

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

VOTE ON THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.

IN HOUSE.

Thomas, Vallandigham, Wadsworth, Ward, Whaley, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Woodruff, Wright, Yeaman-52

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First Session, Thirty-Eighth Congress.
IN SENATE.

1864, Feb. 10-Mr. CLARK introduced to the Senate a bill ratifying the emancipation proclamation and giving it the force of statute; which was referred to the Committee on Slavery and Freedmen. (See Reconstruction bill

1862, December 11-Mr. YEAMAN, of Ky., for a vote of the Senate, page 318.) offered the following resolutions:

Resolved by the House of Representatives, (the Senate concurring,) That the proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution.

Resolved, That the policy of emancipation, as indicated in that proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of peace, was not well chosen as a war measure, and is an assumption of power dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a free people.

Which were laid on the table-yeas 95, nays 47, as follows:

IN HOUSE.

1863, Dec. 14-Mr. ARNOLD introduced this bill:

A bill to aid the President of the United States in carrying into more immediate execution the preclamation of emancipation issued by him on the first day of January, A. D. 1863, prohibiting the holding of certain persons as slaves in all that portion of the United States designated therem.

Whereas the President of the United States, by his proclamation issued on the 1st day of January, in the year YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, 1863, & Commander-in-Chief of the Army thereof, did, as Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, a fit and lawful means of suppressing the rebellion, in acEnffinton, Burnham, Campbell, Casey, Chamberlain, Clark, cordance with the laws of war and with the dictates of Colfax. Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Conway, justice and humanity, order, proclaim, and declare that Covode, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Ed-all persons held as slaves within the limits of certain States wards, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, S. C. Fessenden, Thomas A. D. and parts of States therein designated were, and should Fessenden, Franchot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Gurley, thereafter and forever be, free; and that the executive, Haight, Hale, Hickman, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, military, and naval authorities would and should thencefor Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, ward recognize and maintain the freedom of all such perLeary, Lehman, Loomis, Lovejoy, Low, McKnight, McPhersons; and whereas by said proclamation and order the son, Mitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, President has guarantied to all such persons their freedom, Noel Olin, Patton, Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Pomeroy, and has pledged the faith and honor of the country that Porter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, their freedom shall be recognized and forever maintained; Edward II. Rollins, Sargent, Sedgwick, Shanks, Shella- and whereas it is the right and the duty of Congress to barger, Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Train, Trim- make all laws which may be necessary and proper for carble, Trowbridge, Vandever, Van Horn, Verree, Walker, Wall, rying into execution all the powers, whether civil or miliWallace, Washburne, Albert S. White, Wilson, Windom, tary, vested by the Constitution in the President as ComWorcester-95. mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy; and among such

military powers is that of making and executing the proclamation aforesaid; and whereas all persons heretofore held as slaves, as aforesaid, within said designated States or parts of States are now of right free, and ought to be hereafter forever unmolested in the enjoyment of that freedom which the Government of the United States is bound to" recognize and maintain :"

Now, therefore, for the purpose of carrying into more complete and immediate execution the aforesaid proclamation, and to secure forever the recognition and maintenance of the freedom of all persons designated therein, and thereby to provide more effectually for the suppression of the rebellion, the securing of domestic tranquillity, the maintaining of the common defence, and the preservation of the liberties of the people:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That in all States and parts of States designated in said proclamation as in rebellion, the re-enslaving or holding, or attempting to hold, in slavery or in involuntary servitude of any person who shall have been made or declared to be free by said proclamation, or any of their descendants, from and after the date of said proclamation, otherwise than in punishment of crime whereof the accused shall have been duly convicted, is and shall be forever prohibited, any law or regulation of either of such States to the contrary notwithstanding.

Which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

RESOLUTIONS OFFERED.

Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congross. IN HOUSE.

1861, December 3-Mr. SHELLABARGER offered these resolutions:

Whereas the Constitution has wisely withdrawn from Congress the command of the armies of the United States; and, after they have been called forth, organized, and disciplined, under the rules which it is competent for Congress to make, and which it has made for the government of the land and naval forces, has placed that supreme command exclusively in the President of the United States: Therefore, Resolved, That it is neither within the province of this House, nor would it be wise, to lay down any rules whatever regulating or attempting to control any part of that chief command of our armies in the field, either in the matter as to what "military necessities" do or do not exist as to the treatment or use of slaves within any of the States, nor in any other matter whatever affecting the supreme

command of the President.

Resolved, That whilst this House refrains from all attempts to assume any of the functions of the Commanderin-Chief of the Army, and hereby expresses its confidence in the wisdom, prudence, and patriotism of the President, as indicated in the discharge of the most responsible and arduous duties of the present Executive term, and its willingness to continue to him the untrammelled exercise of his powers as the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, yet the House deems it appropriate to express its earnest sense and conviction that in the prosecution of this war no resort, on the one hand, should be had to a plea of "military necessity" as a cover for any violation of any constitutional right of any citizen of the United States, either in slaves or any other right of the citizen; nor, on the other hand, should any privileges or protections whatever be extended by our armies either to the title in slaves or in any property whatever which is incompatible with the safety of the Government itself or with the success of our arms in suppressing the rebellion; but all individual rights of property, when necessary, should, in the prosecution of the war, be made to yield to the paramount right of the Government to re-establish the authority of the Constitution over all the people and States of the Union.

Which were postponed, and not voted upon. December 4-Mr. CONWAY, on leave, introduced the following joint resolution: Joint resolution in relation to persons claimed as slaves in

the States now in rebellion.

Whereas the belligerent character acquired by the States now in rebellion confers upon them a recognized status among nations, in contravention of their Federal status, and arising from incompatible relations, which, though not implying nationality, is, nevertheless, one from which they derive important advantage in making war upon the United States; and whereas the Federal Government is by this fact fully exonerated from respecting, in any manner whatso

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ever, the constitutional obligations it would otherwise be under to said States: Therefore

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President be requested not to permit the enforcement of any law or usage under which persons may be claimed as slaves within any of said States into which the authority of the United States may be extended, and that he be requested to declare, by proclamation, all persons so claimed to be free, and to employ them in the service of the United States in any capacity to which they may be suited, and in such numbers as the public service may require.

Resolved, further, That the faith of the nation be pledged to all persons sustaining loss through the operation of this measure who are now and shall remain loyal to the United States. The resolutions were postponed.

Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. 1863, January 12-Mr. WILSON introduced a joint resolution to approve, ratify, and confirm the proclamation issued by the President, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, dated January 1, 1863.

Mr. Cox moved that it be tabled; which was lost-yeas 50, nays 85. It was then referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

First Session, Thirty-Eighth Congress. 1863, December 17-Mr. EDGERTON offered this resolution:

Whereas the proclamations of the President of January 1, 1863, and December 8, 1863, in relation to emancipation, impose conditions of pardon and amnesty to the persons who have participated in the existing rebellion, as well as conditions precedent to the establishment and recognition of State government in the States to which said proclamations apply, which, in the judgment of a large number of faithful citizens, have a tendency to give to the rebellion "the advantage of a changed issue," and "to reinvigorate the otherwise declining insurrection in the South," and to prolong the war: and whereas this House cannot but regard with anxiety the unprecedented and extraordinary claims and assumption of high prerogative by the President in said proclamations, especially in view of the fact that the President, in his inaugural address of the 4th day of March, 1861, declared, "I have no purpose directly or indiStates where it exists; I believe I have no right to do so, rectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the and I have no inclination to do so:" Therefore,

Resolved, As the judgment of this House, that the maintenance inviolate of the constitutional powers of Congress, and the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric of federal union depends; and we denounce, as among the gravest of crimes, the invasion or occupation, by armed force, of any State, under the pretext or for the purpose of coercing the people thereof to modify or abrogate any of their laws or domestic institu

tions that are consistent with the Constitution of the

United States; and we affirm the principle declared in this resolution to be a law, alike to the President and the people of the United States.

Mr. GRINNELL moved to table the resolution; which was agreed to-yeas 90, nays 65, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Beaman, Blaine, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Driggs, Dumont, Eliot, Farnsworth, Fenton, Frank, Gar field, Gooch, Grinnell, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Lovejoy, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, S. F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Norton, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward II. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Tracy, Van Valkenburgh, Ellihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-90.

tion.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Augustus C. Bald-| Respecting the Issue of the Proclamawin, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Griswold, Hall, Harding, Harrington, C. M. Harris, Herrick, THE PRESIDENT AND THE CHICAGO DEPUTATION. Holman, William Johnson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, Marcy, Mc Dowell, Me Kin1862, September 13-The President gave an sey, Middleton, Wm. H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morris, audience to a deputation from all the religious Nelson, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Perry, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins, Ross, denominations of Chicago, presenting a meScott, John B. Steele, Wm. G. Steele, Stiles, Strouse, Stuart,morial for the immediate issue of an emancipaSceat, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Wheeler, Chilton A. Whate, Joseph W. White, Winfield, Fernando Wood, Yea- tion proclamation, which was enforced by some remarks by the chairman. The President replied:

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1864, Jan. 25-Mr. EDGERTON offered the following preamble and resolutions, which were laid over under the rule:

Whereas this House on the 17th day of December last adopted, with but one dissentient vote, the following resolution, to wit: "Resolved, That we hold it to be the duty of Congress to pass all necessary bills to supply men and money, and the duty of the people to render every aid in their power to the constituted authorities of the Government in the crushing out of the rebellion, and in bringing the leaders thereof to condign punishment;"

Therefore in explanation of the foregoing resolution, and in further expression of the opinion and purpose of this House,

The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some respect, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, as certain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.

Resolved, That the aid hitherto liberally supplied in men and money by the people of the United States, to enable the Federal Executive to prosecute the existing civil war, has been so supplied by all citizens truly faithful to the Federal The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For Union and Constitution, for the purpose, and no other, ex-instance, the other day four gentlemen of standing and inpressed in the resolution adopted by Congress in July, 1861, telligence from New York called as a delegation of business declarative of the object of the war, and commonly known connected with the war; but before leaving two of them as "the Crittenden resolution;" and public faith, true Chris-earnestly besought me to proclaim general emancipation, tian humanity, and wise statesmanship alike demand strict upon which the other two at once attacked them. You adherence by the "constituted authorities of the Govern- know also that the last session of Congress had a decided ment to the purpose or object of the war, as thus declared majority of anti-slavery men, yet they could not unite on by Congress and accepted by the people. this policy. And the same is true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal niore earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.

2. That the demand of the President, in his proclamation of December 8, 1863, that the people of the States wherein rebellion exists shall swear to abide by and support his proclamation of emancipation (in other words, change, or submit to the change, at his dictation, of their State constitutions, local laws, and domestic institutions, not incousistent with the Constitution of the United States) before such States or their people will by him be considered to have censed to be in rebellion, and entitled to pardon or amnesty, and entitled to their constitutional rights of State government, in harmony with the Government of the United States, is, in the judgment of this House, an oppressive and unconstitutional demand, the tendency and effect of which, if persisted in and enforced by war, will be to substantially change the object and character of the war on the part of the Federal Government, from one to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States as the supreme law of the land, to a revolutionary war against the constitutional rights and sovereignty of Federal States, and virtually subversive of the constitutional Government of the United States; and of such a war we now record our disapproval.

3. That in view of the immense power of war demanded by the President and supplied to him by a patriotic people, and hitherto wielded by him according to his own will, with hule deference or regard to the opinions and convictions of the very large number, if not majority, of faithful Union citizens in the United States who have doubted or disapproved his policy in the conduct of the war and his extraordinary assumptions of executive power, and in view of the dangers to constitutional liberty and the manifold evils that ever attend civil war, we desire peace, and the replacement under its healthful and benign influence, with the least possible further waste of blood and treasure of the people, of all the relations and functions of constitutional government, State and Federal, now disturbed and endangered; and we therefore deprecate all vindictive and revo lutionary measures and policy, military or civil, as tending to divide the Union men of the country, to aggravate the evils and to intensify the animosity of the war and prolong its duration; and we advise, and do cordially invite and pledge our co-operation in negotiations, proposals, and efforts for peace upon the basis of a restoration of the Federal Union under the Constitution as it is, leaving to the free constitutional action of the people the questions of amendments of the Federal Constitution, and leaving also to the people of each State, as their unquestionable right, the right, and its free exercise, to form, regulate, and control their State constitutions, laws, and domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.

What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issu ing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him then to all the white troops under his command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again; for I am told that whenever the rebels tales any black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a bont that was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?

Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy, nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I

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