or by degrees, extending over the whole or any But such is not our condition. We have two part of the period; and it obliges no two States million nine hundred and sixty-three thousand to proceed alike. It also provides for compen- square miles. Europe has three million and gation, and generally, the mode of making it. eight hundred thousand, with a population This, it would seem, must further mitigate the averaging seventy-three and one third persons dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual to the square mile. Why may not our country, slavery, and especially of those who are to re- at some time, average as many? Is it less ceive the compensation. Doubtless some of fertile? Has it more waste surface, by mounthose who are to pay, and not to receive, will tains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? object. Yet the measure is both just and Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advaneconomical. In a certain sense, the liberation tage? If, then, we are at some time to be as of slaves is the destruction of property-pro- populous as Europe, how soon? As to when perty acquired by descent, or by purchase, the this may be, we can judge by the past and the same as any other property. It is no less true present; as to when it will be, if ever, depends for having been often said, that the people of much on whether we maintain the Union. Sevthe South are not more responsible for the ori-eral of our States are already above the average ginal introduction of this property than are the of Europe-seventy-three and a third to the people of the North; and when it is remem- square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode bered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in them, New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other great it may not be quite safe to say that the South States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, has been more responsible than the North for the former having 63 and the latter 59. The its continuance. If, then, for a common object, States already above the European average, exthis property is to be sacrificed, is it not just cept New York, have increased in as rapid a that it be done at a common charge? ratio, since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population.

Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows: 1790..

1800..

1810.
1820.
1830..

1840..
1850....
1860.

3,929,827

......... 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase. 7,239,814 36.45

66

66

.........

9,638,131 33.13 12,866,020 33.49 17,069,453 32.67 66 ......... 23,191,876 35.87 31,443,790 35.58

66

66

This shows an average decennial increase of 34.69 per cent. in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, the law of increase, in our case, is. Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:

And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that measure bad been promptly accepted, by even some of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing; but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds, even, any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before; because our territory will not have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from And we will reach this, too, if we do not our first national census in 1790, until that of ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of and evils of disunion, or by ong and exhaust103,208,415. And why may we not continue ing war springing from the culy great element that ratio far beyond that period? Our abun-of national discord among us. While it candant room-our broad national homestead-is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away.

1870...

1880....
1890..

1900.
1910....

1920..
1930....

42,323,341

56.967,216

These figures show that' our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930-say about 1925—our territory, at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain 217,186,000.

not be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious.

The proposed emancipation would shorten

the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase | ple would surely not do more than their old proof population, and proportionately the wea th portion of it, and, very probably, for a time would of the country. With these, we should pay do less, leaving an increased part to white laall the emancipation would cost, together with borers, bring their labor into greater demand, our other debt, easier than we should pay our and consequently enhancing the wages of it. other debt without it. If we had allowed our With deportation, even to a limited extent, enold national debt to run at six per cent. per hanced wages to white labor is mathematically annum, simple interest, from the end of our certain. Labor is like any other commodity in revolutionary struggle until to-day, without the market-increase the demand for it and paying anything on either principal or interest, you increase the price of it. Reduce the supeach man of us would owe less upon that debt ply of black labor by colonizing the black lanow than each man owed upon it then; and borer out of the country, and by precisely so this because our increase of men through the much you increase the demand for and wages whole period has been greater than six per of white labor. cent.; has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection-the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both.

As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such.

The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, through their representatives in Congress.

I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.

not now.

But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth, and cover the whole land? Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now, having more than one free colored person to seven whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipation south, send the freed people north? People, of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial climes, and with people of their own blood and race. proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive them?

This

Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this District last spring?

What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery

The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption.

It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is In times like the present men should utter nothing for which they would not will-here. ingly be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and, very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed peo

Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.

And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt eman

cipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both.

This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of but additional to all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war, if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would cost no blood at all.

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress, and afterwards, three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever.

I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display.

save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We-even we here-hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free-honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just-a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION IN MISSOURI.*
Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress.
IN HOUSE.

1863, Jan. 6-Mr. NOELL, of Missouri, from the Select Committee, reported a bill, providing that the following propositions be submitted to the State of Missouri to be accepted or rejected by the Legislature or people thereof:

1. The Government of the United States will, upon the passage by said State of a good and valid act of emancipation of all the slaves therein, to take effect within the period hereinafter named, and to be irrepealable unless by the consent of the United States, apply the sum of $10,000,000, in United States bonds, redeemable in thirty years from their date, and bearing interest, payable semi-annually, at the rate of five per cent. per annum, for the purpose of paying to the loyal owners of such slaves in said State a just compensation for the loss of the services of such slaves; the said bonds to be prepared and issued by the Secretary of the Treasury, under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe to make effective the provisions of this act. 2. That in the event of the adoption by the said State of abolishment of slavery therein, as hereinbefore provided, the Government of the United States will employ all reasonable means for the deportation of such of said emanci pated slaves, and for their settlement or colonization in thereto, so soon as and whenever proper negotiations can some place outside of the United States, as may consent be made with any country for such settlement or colonization in a congenial climate, or within a reasonable time

thereafter.

The semi-annual interest to be payable, and the bonds redeemable out of moneys to be hereafter appropriated by Congress, and to be reimbursed to the United States Treasthe money to be paid to persons who have, at any time ury from the property of rebels confiscated, and no part of engaged in or in any manner aided in the rebellion, or held delivered to the Governor of Missouri when the President

shall be satisfied that a valid act of immediate emancipation shall have been passed by the Legislature, irrepealable without the consent of the United States, and within one year from Jan. 1, 1863.

Mr. HOLMAN moved to lay the bill on the table; which was lost-yeas 42, nays 73.

Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity, and perpet-office under the Confederate States, &c. The bonds to be uate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here-Congress and Executive-can secure its adoption? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not "can any of us imagine better?" but " can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs "can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.

Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to

An unimportant amendment was made, when Mr. PENDLETON moved to lay the bill on the table; which was lost-yeas 44, nays 72.

Mr. CRAVENS then moved that the House ad

journ; which was lost-yeas 19, nays 82

When the bill passed-yeas 83, nays 50, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, BaxCampbell, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkter, Bingham, Jacob B. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Burnhun, ling, Roscoe Conkling, Covode, Duell, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, Samuel C. Fessenden, Thomas A. D. Fessenden, Fisher, Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, Hale, Harrison, Hickman, Hooper, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lehman, Loomis, Lovejoy, Low, McKean, McKnight, McPherson, Maynard, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Noell, Olin, Patton, Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Pomeroy, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Sargent, Selg wick, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sherman, Spaulding, Stevens, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, * See resolutions of Convention, supra.

Van Valkenburgh, Verreo, Walker, Wall, Wallace, Wheeler,
Albert S. White, Windom, Worcester-83.

Nars-Messrs. William Allen, Ancona, Baily, Biddle, Cal-
ert, Clements, Cobb, Corning, Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Davis,
Dunlap, Dunn, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hell, Harding, Hol-
man, Johnson, William Kellogg, Kerrigan, Knapp, Law,
Millory, Menzies, Morris, Nortom, Odell, Pendleton, Perry,
Porter, Price, Shiel, Smith, John B. Siecle, William G. Steele,
Ses, Stratton, Trimble, Vallandighom, Voorhees, Wadsworth,
Ward, Webster, Wickliffe, Wilson, Wood, Woodruff-50.

-

IN SENATE.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 9, nays 27, as follows:

January 14-Mr. TRUMBULL, from the Com- Rice, Wall, Willey, Wilson of Missouri-9. mittee on the Judiciary, reported a substitute as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Davis, Kennedy, Latham, Nesmith, Powell, NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, King, Lane of That whenever satisfactory evidence shall be presented to Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Sumthe President of the United States that the State of Mis-ner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts souri has adopted a valid and constitutional law, ordinance, 27. or other provision for the gradual or immediate emancipation of all the slaves therein, and the exclusion of slavery forever thereafter from said State, it shall be his duty to prepare and deliver to the Governor of said State, as hereinafter provided, to be used by said State to compensate for the inconveniences produced by such change of system, bonds of the United States to the amount of $20,000,000, the same to bear interest at the rate of five percent. per annum, and payable thirty years after the date thereof: Provided,

That the said bonds shall not be delivered as herein directed unless the act of emancipation shall be adopted by said State within twelve months after the passage of this act, nor unless said act shall provide that slavery or involantary servitude within said State, except in punishment of crime, shall forever cease and determine on some day not later than the 4th day of July, 1876, and never afterwards be introduced therein: And provided further, That said bonds in their aggregate amount shall not exceed the sum of 500 for each slave emancipated under the provisions of this act and the act of emancipation to be passed in the State of Missouri in pursuance thereof, not including any slave who shall be introduced into said State subsequently to the passage of this act, or has been emancipated or shall become free under the provisions of an act entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862.

Mr. POWELL moved to strike out of the first section the words "not to exceed $20,000,000," and insert " $11,000,000;" which was disagreed to-yeas 13, nays 22, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Daris, Fessenden, Grimes, Harding, Harlan, Lane of Indiana, Nesmith, Powell, Rice, Wall-13.

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Howard, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts, Wilson of Missouri-22.

Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, offered the following amendment:

And be it further enacted, That no part of the bonds herein specified shall be delivered until the act of the Legislature or the Constitutional Convention of the State of Missouri providing for the emancipation of the slaves in said State shall be submitted to a vote of the people and approved by a majority of the legal voters of said State.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 13, nays 27, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Harding, Kennedy, Nesmith, Powell, Rice, Richardson, Saulsbury, Turpie, Wall, Willey, Wilson of Missouri-13.

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Loster, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That in the event of the adoption by said State of an act or ordinance for the abolition of slavery therein, as hereinbefore provided, the President shall, from time to time, as they may be required, canse bonds to be prepared and delivered, as aforesaid, in such amounts as may be necessary to pay for each slave made free under the provisions of this act, and the art to be passed by the State of Missouri in pursuance thereof, not to exceed an average of $300; said bonds to be-27. delivered only as said slaves are made free, and in the aggregate not to exceed $20,000,000; and not to exceed $10,000,000, unless the law or act of emancipation to be adopted by said State shall provide for the full and perfect

manumission of all the slaves therein on or before the 4th day of July, A. D. 1865, and the future exclusion of the system of slavery from the State forever thereafter.

SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That upon the enactment of a law by said State referring to this act, accepting its provisions and adopting laws for the ultimate extinction of slavery therein, the faith of the United States and of the said State will be pledged to carry out the terms of the compact thus created: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall prevent the State from making at any time such alterations or amendments in its emancipation laws as do not conflict with this act, or such as shall only decrease the time during which slavery may exist in the said State.

Feb. 7—Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, offered the following amendment:

That the said bonds shall not be delivered as herein directed unless the act of emancipation shall be adopted by said State within three years after the passage of this act. Striking out "twelve months" and inserting three years;" which was disagreed to-yeas 8. nays 27, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Nesmith, Powell,

Richardson, Wall, Wilson of Missouri-8.

NATS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hording, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Summer, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts -27.

Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment to strike out "seventy-six," in the first section, and insert "sixty-four," making the act to take effect on the 4th of July, 1864; which was disagreed to-yeas 11, nays 26, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Rice, Sumner, Wade, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts-11.

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Harding, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, King, Lothom, Morrill, Nesmith, Powell, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wall, Willey, Wilson of Missouri-26.

February 12-Mr. SUMNER offered the following amendment :

That said bonds, in their aggregate amount, shall not exceed the sum of $200 for each slave emancipated.

Which was agreed to-yeas 19, nays 17, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, son, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts-19.

Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkin

Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, Howard, Lothom, Me
NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle,
Dougall, Morrill, Richardson, Ten Eyck, Wall, Wilson of

Missouri-17.

Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment to strike out of the first section the word "gradual," making the operation of emancipation imme

diate; which was disagreed to-yeas 11, nays 27, as follows:

YEAS Messrs. Carlile, Collamer, Cowan, Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Sumner, Wade,

NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, Howard, Howe, King, Latham, McDougall, Morrill, Nesmith, Powell, Rice, Richardson, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson of Missouri-27.

The bill, as amended, then passed the Senate -yeas 23, nays 18, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson of

NAYS-Messrs. Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Fessenden, Grimes, Harding, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, McDougall, Nesmith, Powell, Richardson, Saulsbury, Ten Eyck, Turpie, Wall, Wilson of Missouri-18.

February 18-The bill was considered in the House of Representatives, and recommitted to the Select Committee-yeas 81, nays 51.

February 25-The committee reported back the bill, but it was not again considered by the House.

March 3-Mr. WHITE, of Indiana, moved to suspend the rules to take it up, but the motion was lost-yeas 62, nays 57, (two thirds being required.)

COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION IN MARYLAND.

1863, January 12-Mr. FRANCIS THOMAS of fered the following resolution, which was agreed to:

5. That we approve the wise and conservative policy proResolved, That the Committee on Emancipation and Colo-posed by the President in his message of the 6th March, nization be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation to aid the State of Maryland in a system of emancipation and colonization of persons of color,

1862, and sanctioned by Congress, tendering pecuniary aid to such States as may choose to adopt a system of gradual people of Maryland to meet the Government in this enemancipation; and that it is not only the duty of the loyal deavor to relieve them, in the only practical way, from the January 19-Mr. BINGHAM, of Ohio, intro- evils which armed insurrection has brought upon the land, duced a bill giving aid to the State of Mary- thus sustaining the Government as well against the treason land, for the purpose of securing the abolish-fanatical abolitionists, but that it is likewise for the interest of secession as against the radical and violent projects of ment of slavery in said State. of all the people of this State, more especially of the s aveowners, promptly to accept the aid thus tendered, and reprofitable, and is now injurious to our political and material interests, and dangerous to our peace and safety, by inaugurating such a plan of emancipation and colonization as secure the industry of the State to the white labor of the will be equitable to those interested, and as will tend to State.