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Webster, Niles, Ewing, and Davis, with others from the non-slaveholding States voting against it. And yet it is in reference to this discussion and this action that the Postmaster General in his letter to the committee says "that Congress by its inaction seemed to concur in the right and the policy of excluding such alleged treasonable and insurrectionary publications from the mails." On the contrary, Congress expressly refused to sanction the idea that it had the power; and certainly no other department of the Government has.

Generals commanding departments frequently prohibit the circulation of certain newspapers within the limits of their commands. Major General Wallace, May 18, 1864, suppressed the Baltimore Evening Transcript. Major General Rosecrans, May 26, 1864, prohibited the circulation of the Metropolitan Record in the department of Missouri. The circulation of the Cin

cinnati Enquirer has recently been prohibited, by the General commanding, in Kentucky.

A REMINISCENCE.
VIRGINIA AND THE TRIBUNE.

POST OFFICE, LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA,
December 2, 1859.

MR. HORACE GREELEY:
SIR: I hereby inform you that I shall not, in future, de-
liver from this office the copies of the Tribune which come
here, because I believe them to be of that incendiary char-
acter which are forbidden circulation alike by the laws of
the land, and a proper regard for the safety of society. You
will, therefore, discontinue them.
Respectfully,

R. IL GLASS, Postmaster.

Reply.

NEW YORK, December 9, 1859.

that occasion or against any class of men. It is one of an enduring character, to be asserted at all times and against all condition of citizens, without favor or distinction. Unless all are made to bow to the law, it will be respected by

none.

Unless all are made secure in their rights of per: in and property, none can be protected. If the owners of the above-named journals have violated State or national laws, they must be proceeded against and punished by those laws. Any action against them outside of legal procedures is criminal. At this time of civil war and disorder, the majesty of the law must be upheld or society will sink into anarchy. Our soldiers in the field will battle in vain for constitutional liberty if persons or property, or opinions, freedom, and thus disgrace the American chracter while are trampled upon at home. We must not give up home our citizens in the army are pouring out their blood to maintain the national honor. They must not find when been despoiled. they come back that their personal and fireside rights have

In addition to the general obligation to enforce the laws of the land, there are local reasons why they must be up

held in the city of New York. If they are not, its commerce

and greatness will be broken down. If this great center of wealth, business, and enterprise is thrown into disorder and bankruptcy, the National Government will be paralyzed. What makes New York the heart of our country? Why are its pulsations felt at the extremities of our land? Not through its position alone, but because of the world-wide belief that property is safe within its limits from waste by mobs and from spoliation by Government.

The laborers in the workshop, the mine, and in the field, on this continent and in every other part of the globe, send to its merchants, for sale or exchange, the products of their toil. These merchants are made the trustees of the weath of millions living in every land, because it is believed that in their hands property is safe under the shield of laws administered upon principle and according to known usages. This great confidence has grown up in the course of many years by virtue of a painstaking, honest performance of duty by the business men of your city. In this they have MR. POSTMASTER OF LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA: been aided by the enforcement of laws based upon the SIR: I take leave to assure you that I shall do nothing of solemnly-recorded pledges that "the right of the people to the sort. The subscribers to the Tribune in Lynchburg be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and cllects have paid for their papers; we have taken their money, and against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be vioshall fairly and fully earn it, according to contract. If theylated, and that no one shall be deprived of liberty or propdirect us to send their papers to some other post office, wo erty without due process of law." shall obey the request; otherwise, we shall send them as originally ordered. If you or your masters choose to steal and destroy them, that is your affair-at all events, not ours; and if there is no law in Virginia to punish the larceny, so much the worse for her and our plundered subscribers. If the Federal Administration, whereof you are the tool, after ntonopolizing the business of mail-carrying, sees fit to be-national credit is undergoing a fearful trial, the organs of come the accomplice and patron of mail-robbery, I suppose the outrage must be borne until more honest and less servile rulers can be put into high places at Washington, or till the people can recover their natural right to carry each other's letters and printed matter, asking no odds of the Government. Go ahead in your own base way. I shall stand steadfast for human liberty and the protection of all natural rights. HORACE GREELEY.

Yours, stiffly,

THE RECENT SUPPRESSION IN NEW YORK.

1864, May 19-By order of the Secretary of War, the offices of the Journal of Commerce and the World-in which papers had appeared a forged proclamation of the President for 400,000 troops were seized by the military authorities and held for several days. This led to these proceedings:

Gov. Seymour's Letter to the District Attorney.
STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
ALBANY, May 23, 1864.

To A. OAKEY HALL, Esq.,

District Attorney of the County of New York: SIR: I am advised that on the 19th inst., the office of The Journal of Commerce and that of The New York World were entered by armed men, the property of the owners seized, and the premises held by force for several days. It is charged that these acts of violence were done without due legal process, and without the sanction of State or national laws.

If this be true the offenders must be punished.

In the month of July last, when New York was a scene of violence, I gave warning that "the laws of the State must be enforced, its peace and order maintained, and the property of its citizens protected at every hazard." The laws were enforced at a fearful cost of blood and life.

The declaration I then made was not intended merely for

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For more than eighty years have we as a people heen building up this universal faith in the sanctity of our jurisprudence. It is this which carries our commerce upon every ocean and brings back to our merchants the wealth of every clime. It is now charged that, in utter disregard of the sensitiveness of that faith, at a moment when the commerce are seized and held, in violation of constitutional pledges, that this act was done in a public mart of your great city, and was thus forced upon the notice of the commercial agents of the world, and they were shown in an offensive way that property is seized by military force and arbitrary orders.

These things are more hurtful to the national honor and strength than the loss of battles. The world will confound such acts with the principles of our Government, and the folly and crimes of officials will be looked upon as the natural results of the spirit of our institutions. Our State and local authorities must repel this ruinous inference. If the merchants of New York are not willing to have their harbor sealed up and their commerce paralyzed, they must unite in this demand for the security of persons and property. If this is not done, the world will withdraw from their keeping its treasures and its commerce.

History has taught all that official violation of law in times of civil war and disorder goes before acts of spoilation and other measures which destroy the safeguards of com

merce.

I call upon you to look into the facts connected with the seizure of The Journal of Commerce and of The New York World. If these acts were illegal, the offenders must be punished. In making your inquiries aud in prosecuting the parties implicated, you will call upon the Sheriff of the county and the heads of the Police Department for any needed force or assistance. The failure to give this by any official under my control will be deemed a sufficient cause for his removal.

Very respectfully yours, &c.,

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

CHARGE OF JUDGE RUSSELL,
Of the New York Court of General Sessions,
June 13, to the grand jury, composed as follows

Cyrus Mason, Foreman, John E. Anderson, Nathaniel W. Carter, Martin L. Delafield, Mathew Hettrick, John J. Hay er, David C. Newell, James II. Pinckney, Wm. Palen, Wm,

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on, J. Austin Stevens. jr., Amos H. Trowbridge, Sam

THE LAWS TO BE ENFORCED.

Beckman, Seabury Brewster, Jacob D. T. Hersey, Letter from Governor Seymour to District Attorney Hall, of Ben Het Lewis, jr., Willard Phelps, Wm. T Skeff, W. M. Thurn, John P. Werstell, John Townsend, John D. Welsh, Chris. Zabriskie, jr.

The grand jury having taken the usual oath, A. OAKEY HALL, Esq., Judge Russell delivered a charge in which he thus alluded to the order for the arrest of the

proprietors, and for the suppression of their journals:

The first part of the order was never fully executed. The latter part way and the forcible possession maintained for several days. The author of the fraud, it is said, has been discovered, and the newspapers in question have been exonerated from all suspicion of guilt or blame. If this be so, this is an instance of innocent men being summarily interfered with, or trespassed upon, in the sanctity of their persons and property. As such, it is a violation of both the Federal and State Constitutions, and it is your duty to examine into it. This is not a self-imposed or self-assumed duty by this court. The facts were communicated to the Executive of this State, and he addressed to the district attorney of this county the communication I now read to

you.

[The Judge then read Governor Seymour's letter.] Acting upon the duty this Court owes to the laws of this State, which is repeated in the official document I have just read to you, I beg to subunit the matter to your calmest and most careful consideration. The Court is convinced that you wil deal with it in such a manner as becomes the dutiful and loyal citizens of a dutiful and loyal State. Anything like political bias should be discarded. The question is simply thus: Have the laws of the State, in reference to the protection of person and property, been violated, and so, who are the parties who have been concerned in it? No matter what their station may be, they must answer for the wrong, if there be one. If the President of the United States, or other officer who assumed to issue the order, had no such power or authority, those who obeyed and enforced it are clearly responsible.

For the purposes of this occasion, the Court instructs you that such an order as has been referred to would not, under the circumstances stated, be any protection to those concerted in its execution. This will raise the question at issue between the State and General Government in a legal way. Any attempt to interfere with freedom of speech or liberty of the press has been regarded and watched with the greatest jealousy by the constituents of our Federal and State Governments. These invaluable privileges are protected in both the Federal and State Constitutions. Neither Congress nor our State Legislature can make a law abridging either right. In the year 1798, the famous "Sedition law was passed by Congress, giving the Government extraor. dinary power in reference to publications calculated to weaken its authority. So unpalatable was this law that it was finally repealed. Two of the State Legislatures expressly declared against its constitutionality. At the time it was passed, the Government being in a state of comparative infancy, it ought probably to have been more favorably regarded; but it involved rights too dear to be trenched upon or surrendered. In reference to the alleged author of the spurious proclamation, you will receive evidence of the fact establishing his guilt, and if you are satisfied of it, you Will present him for such an offence as, under the advice of the district attorney, (to whom you are entitled to appeal for advice,) may be proper. At common law, the "spreading false news to make discord between the king and nobility, or concerning any great man of the realm," was an offence against the public peace, punishable with fine and

imprisonment.

It may be that the elements of the common law will be lavoked by the district attorney in reference to this offender. I reference to the parties engaged in taking and maintaining forcible possession of the newspaper establishments, the court instructs you that if there were three or more of them, they would be liable as for riot, which has been defined to be where three or more actually do an unlawful act of violence, either with or without a common cause or quarrel, or even do a lawful act, as removing a nuisance, in

a violent or tumultuous manner."

RESPONSE OF THE GRAND JURY.

New York.

EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

ALBANY, June 25.

District Attorney of the City and County of New York: SIR: In the matter of the seizure of the offices of The World and Journal of Commerce, the grand jury, in disregard of their oaths, " to diligently inquire into and true presentment make of all such matters and things as should be given them in charge," have refused to make such inquiries, and declare that "it is inexpedient to examine into the subject referred to in the charge of the court" with respect to such seizures. It becomes my duty, under the express requirements of the constitution, "to take care that the laws of the State are faithfully executed." If the grand jury, in pursuance of the demands of the law and the obligations of their oaths, had inquired into the matter given them in charge by the court and the public prosecutor, their decision, whatever it might have been, would have been entitled to respect. As they have refused to do their duty, the subject of the seizure of these journals should at once be brought before some proper magistrate. If you wish any assistance in the prosecution of these investigations, it will be given to you.

As it is a matter of public interest that violations of the laws of the State be punished, the views or wishes of the parties immediately affected must not be suffered to influence the action of public officers. If through fear or other motives they are unwilling to aid you in getting at facts, it will be your duty to compel their attendance as witnesses in behalf of the people. Respectfully yours,

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

The newspapers give this account of further proceedings:

THE ARREST OF GENERAL DIX.

The arrest of General Dix and several other officers on Friday, July 1, was made upon warrants issued by City Judge Russell. Several persons appeared before the city judge, in answer to subpoenas allowed by him, at the instance of District Attorney Hall, and had testified to facts relating to the seizure of The World and Journal of Com merce newspapers. The letter of Governor Seymour to the district attorney, condemning the grand jury for its return in the case of those newspapers, and saying that "the subject should be brought before some proper magistrate," is said to have induced the district attorney to procure the af The district attorney fidavits to be made before Russell. first made an affidavit in the form of a complaint, dated 28th June, in which he declared that he had been informed and believed that "Hon. A. Lincoln" directed "John A. Dix" to do several acts against The World and Journal of Commerce, and the editors of those journals, enumerated in the complaint of the district attorney, and charging that the said Dix" feloniously ordered one William Barstow" (Captain Barstow) to arrest the editors of the newspapers named, and "mischievously ordered one William Hays" (Acting Assistant Provost Marshal General Hays) to procure the closing up of the newspaper offices; that the arrest of Mr. Hallock was procured, and that gentleman kept for the space of about three hours; that "the said Hays instructed Major Powers, who caused one Fundy" (Captain Fundy) and some commissioned officers and privates, whom the district attorney names, to "go armed and equipped" to take possession of the Journal of Commerce office; and that the said Hays caused similar acts to be done to The World, through Lieutenant Gabriel Tuthill and several other soldiers. The district attorney then charges that John A. Dix and William Barstow are guilty of kidnapping, and the others, with John A. Dix, of inciting to a riot and forcibly detaining property; and the district attorney prays that action be taken to sustain the dignity of the State.

Judge Russell then issued subpoenas, directed to Messrs. William H. Hallock, of the Journal of Commerce; David G. Croly, of The World; William W. Jacobus, John S. Betts, auctioneer, Daniel R. Kirwan, and Washington Hills, Jr., clerk in The World office, who appeared before the judge and made their several affidavits, the district attorney examining the witnesses.

Resolved, That the grand inquest respectfully represent to ARREST OF GENERAL DIX BY THE SHERIFF. the honorable court that, in their judgment, it is inexpe- In accordance with the letter of Governor Seymour, didient to examine into the subject referred to in the commu-recting the matter of the suppressed newspapers to be nication of the Executive of the State and the charge of the brought before a magistrate, Mr. A. Oakey Hall commenced court, namely: the action of the General Government as to taking evidence and submitting testimony before Judge certain newspapers in this city. Russell on Tuesday. After examining the witnesses, Judge Russell came to the conclusion that it was a proper case for him to issue his warrant. Accordingly warrants were placed

CYRUS MASON, Foreman. JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS, Jr., Secretary.

in the hands of the sheriff, who arrested Major General Dix, Major Barstow, Captain Fundy, Major Powers. and other officers on guard at the offices of The World and Journal of Commerce.

The military gentlemen very courteously submitted to the arrest, and their counsel, E. Delafield Smith, appeared before Judge Russell. Mr. Smith asked for time to examine into the papers and consult with his associate, ex-Judge Pierrepont, as to the future course to be pursued by them. The matter was then adjourned, the defendants in the meantime being released on their own verbal recognizances.

First Session, Thirty-Eighth Congress.

IN SENATE.

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merce, newspapers in the city of New York, unde ircumstances which have been placed before the public, was an act unwarranted in itself, dangerous to the caus of the Union, in violation of the Constitution, and subversive of the principles of civil liberty, and as such is hereby censured by this House. At a later hour

Several members objected.

he moved a suspension of the rules for the purpose of offering it, but this motion was rejected-yeas 54, nays 79, as follows:

1864, May 26-Mr. POWELL offered this res- son, William Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, King, Krapp, olution, which went over:

Resolved, That the conduct of the executive authority of this Government, in recently closing the offices and suppressing the publication of The World and Journal of Commerce, newspapers in the city of New York, under circumstances which have been placed before the public, was an act unwarranted in itself, dangerous to the cause of the Union, in violation of the Constitution, and subversive of the principles of civil liberty, and as such is hereby censured by the Senate.

-

IN HOUSE.

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Augustus C. Baldwin, Bliss, Brooks, James S. Brown, Chanler, Coffroth, Cox, Dawson, Denison, Eden, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Harding, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hutchins, Philip JohnLaw, Lazear, Mallory, Marcy, McAllister, Mc Dowell, William H. Miller, Morrison, Nelson, Noble, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scott, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, Strcuse, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Wheeler, Joseph W. Write, Fernando Wood-54.

NAYS-Messrs. Alley, Ames, Arnold, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Jacob B. Blair, Blow, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Farnsworth, Garfield, Gooch, Grinnell, Higby, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McMyers, Leonard Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Pomeroy, Price, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Sloan, Smith, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Thomas, Upson, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge-79.

May 23-Mr. GRINNELL asked consent to offer Bride, McClurg, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Amos this resolution, but it was objected to:

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Same day, Mr. ARNOLD offered this resolution, which was adopted:

structed to inquire and report what, if any, additional legis

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be in

lation may be necessary to punish the forgery and publication of official documents, and what legislation is necessary to punish those who through the press or otherwise give ir formation, aid, or comfort to the rebels.

CONFISCATION AND EMANCIPATION.

CONFISCATION.

First Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. 1861, August 6-A bill was approved, of which these are the first and fourth sections:

insurrection or resistance to the laws, or any persons en

demned.

That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the Government of the United States, after the President of the United States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, abetting, or promoting such gaged therein; or if any person or persons, being the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or employ, or consent to the use or employment of the Same as aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be seized, confiscated, and conSEc. 4. That whenever hereafter, during the present in surrection against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to be held to labor or service under the law of any State shall be required or permitted by the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or permitted by the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any military or naval service whatsoever, against the Government and lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such case, the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due shall forfeit his claim to such labor, any law of the State or of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. And whenever thereafter the person claiming such labor or service shall seek to enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such claim that the person whose service or labor is claimed had been employed in hostile service against the Government of the United States, contrary to the provisions of this act.

This bill, as reported from the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, did not contain the fourth section, and while it was pending in the Senate Mr. TRUMBULL moved to add this as a new section July 22:

That whenever any person claiming to be entitled to the service or labor of any other person under the laws of any State, shall employ such person in aiding or promoting any insurrection, or in resisting the laws of the United States, or shall permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such service or labor, and the person whose labor or service is thus claimed shall be thenceforth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary rotwithstanding.

Which was agreed to-yeas 33, nays 6, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Johnson of Ten

nessee, King, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Morrill, Nesmith, Tomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trum bull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson-33.

NAYS-Messrs. Breckinridge, Johnson of Missouri, Kennedy, Pearce, Polk, Powell-6.

The bill then passed without a division.

IN HOUSE.

August 2-The House Committee on the Judicia y reported a substitute for the bill, which provides that whenever hereafter, during the existence of the present insurrection against the Government of the United States, any person held to labor or service under the laws of any State shall be required or permitted, by the person to whom such labor or service is due, or his legal agent, to take up arms against the United States, or to work, or be employed in or about any fort, navy-yard, armory, dock-yard, ship, or in any military or naval service, against the Government of the United States, or as the servant of any person engaged in active hostilities against the United States, then the person to whom such labor is due shall forfeit all claim to such service or labor, any law of any State, or of the United States, to the contrary notwithstanding; and, in case of a claim for such labor, such facts shall be a full and sufficient answer

Which was rejected without a division; when, after debate, the bill was recommitted to the committee.

August 3-The committee reported the Senate bill with a substitute for section four, adopted above in the Senate, being the fourth section of the act as approved.

A motion to table the bill was lost-yeas 47, nays 66; and the amendment was agreed to, and the bill passed-yeas 61, nays 48, as fol

lows:

YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Babbitt, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Covode, Duell, Edwards, Eliot, Fenton, Fessenden, Franchot, Frank, Granger, Gurley, Hanchett, Harrison, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKean, Mitchell, Justin S. Morrill, Olin, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Sedgwick, Sheffield, Shellaberger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, W. G. Steele, Stevens, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Van Horn, Verree, Wallace, Charles W. Walton, E. P. Walton, Wheeler, Albert S. White, Windom-61. NAYS-Messrs. Allen, Ancona, Joseph Baily, George H. Browne, Burnett, Calvert, Cox, Cravens, Crisfield, Crittenden, Diven, Dunlap, Dunn, English, Fouke, Grider, Haight, Hale, Harding, Holman, Horton, Jackson, Johnson, Law,

May, McClernand, McPherson, Mallory, Menzies, Morris, Noble, Norton, Odell, Pendleton, Porter, Reid, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Shiel, Smith, John B. Steele, Stratton, Francis Thomas, Vallandigham, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Webster, Wickliffe-48.

August 5-The Senate concurred in the amendment of the House-yeas 24, nays 11, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Browning, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harris, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, MeDougall, Sherman, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson-24. NAYS-Messrs. Breckinridge, Bright, Carlile Cowan, Johnson of Missouri, Latham, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury-11.

Second Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. 1862, July 17-A bill was approved to "suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," which contains these provisions:

That every person who shall hereafter commit the crime of treason against the United States, and shall be adjudged guilty, shall suffer death, or be imprisoned not less than five years and fined not less than $10,000, (the fine to be levied on all property excluding slaves,) and all his slaves, if any, shall be declared and made free.

That if any person shall hereafter incite, set on foot, assist, or engage in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States, or the laws thereof, or shall give aid or comfort thereto, or shall engage in, or give aid and comfort to, any such existing rebellion or insurrection, and be convicted thereof, such person shall be punished by imprisonment for a period not exceeding ten years, or by a fine not exceeding ten thousand dollars, and by the liberation of all his slaves, if any he have; or by both of said punishments, at the discretion of the court.

That every person guilty of either of the offences described in this act shall be forever incapable and disqualified to hold any office under the United States.

That this act shall not be construed in any way to affect or alter the prosecution, conviction, or punishment of any person or persons guilty of treason against the United States before the passage of this act, unless such person is convicted under this act.

That, to insure the speedy termination of the present rebellion, it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to cause the seizure of all the estate and property, money, stocks, credits, and effects of the persons hereinafter named in this section, and to apply and use the same and the proceeds thereof for the support of the army of the United States, that is to say:

First. Of any person hereafter acting as an officer of the army or navy of the rebels in arms against the Government of the United States.

Secondly. Of any person hereafter acting as President, Vice President, member of Congress, judge of any court, cabinet officer, foreign minister, commissioner or consul of the socalled Confederate States of America.

Thirdly. Of any person acting as Governor

of a State, member of a convention or legisla ture, or judge of any court of any of the socalled Confederate States of America.

Fourthly. Of any person who, having held an office of honor, trust, or profit in the United States, shall hereafter hold an office in the socalled Confederate States of America.

Fifthly. Of any person hereafter holding any office or agency under the Government of the so-called Confederate States of America, or under any of the several States of the said Confederacy, or the laws thereof, whether such office or agency be national, State, or municipal in its name or character: Provided, That the persons, thirdly, fourthly, and fifthly above described, shall have accepted their appointment or election since the date of the pretended ordinance of secession of the State, or shall have taken an oath of allegiance to, or to support the Constitution of the so-called Confederate States.

Sixthly. Of any person who, owning property in any loyal State or Territory of the United States, or in the District of Columbia, shall hereafter assist and give aid and comfort to such rebellion; and all sales, transfers, or conveyances of any such property shall be null and void; and it shall be a sufficient bar to any suit brought by such person for the possession or the use of such property, or any of it, to allege and prove that he is one of the persons described in this section.

That if any other persons in armed rebellion, or abetting it, shall not, within sixty days after proclamation to be made, return to their allegiance, all their estate and property shall be liable to seizure, and it shall be the duty of te President to seize and use them as aforesaid.

To secure condemnation and sale of such property, proceedings in rem shall be instituted in the name of the United States in any district or territorial court thereof within which the property may be found, &c.

That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them and coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude and not again held as slaves.

That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall,

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