this. Think, if you can, of a single instance' may be erroneous in any given case, still the in which a plainly written provision of the evil effect following it, being limited to that Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the particular case, with the chance that it may be mere force of numbers, a majority should de- overruled, and never become a precedent for prive a minority of any clearly written con- other cases, can better be borne than cold the stitutional right, it might, in a moral point of evils of a different practice. At the same time view, justify revolution-certainly would if the candid citizen must confess that if the polsuch right were a vital one. But such is not icy of the Government upon vital questions, our case. All the vital rights of minorities affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably and of individuals are so plainly assured to fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the them by affirmations and negations, guarantees instant they are made in ordinary litigation and prohibitions in the Constitution, that.con-between parties in personal actions the people troversies never arise concerning them. But will have ceased to be their own rulers, having no organic law can ever be framed with a pro-to that extent practically resigned their governvision specifically applicable to every question ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by National or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.

From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce they make a precedent which, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled b such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.

Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all, by the other.

Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the indentical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

This country, with its institutions, belongs to I do not forget the position assumed by some, the people who inhabit it. Whenever they that constitutional questions are to be decided shall grow weary of the existing Government by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such they can exercise their constitutional right of decision must be binding, in any case, upon the amending it, or their revolutionary right to disparties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, member or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant while they are also entitled to very high respect of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citand consideration in all parallel cases by all izens are desirous of having the National Conother departments of the Government. And stitution amended. While I make no recomwhile it is obviously possible that such decision | mendation of amendments, I fully recognize the

this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."

rightful authority of the people over the whole | reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution-which amendment, however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.

I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S CABINET.

Secretary of State-WILLIAM H. SEWARD, of New York. Secretary of the Treasury-SALMON P. CHASE, of Ohio; succeeded July 5, 1864, by Wм. PITT FESSENDEN, of Maine. Secretary of War-SIMON CAMERON, of Pennsylvania; succeeded January 11, 1862, by EDWIN M. STANTON, of Ohio. Secretary of the Navy-GIDEON WELLES, of Connecticut. Secretary of the Interior-CALEB B. SMITH, of Indiana; succeeded January 8, 1863, by JOHN P. USHER, of Indi

ana.

Attorney General-EDWARD BATES, of Missouri; succeeded
December 14, 1864, by JAMES SPEED, of Kentucky.
Postmaster General-MONTGOMERY BLAIR, of Maryland;
succeeded October 1, 1864, by WILLIAM DENNISON, of
Ohio.

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the MR. SEWARD AND "THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE South, that truth and that justice will surely SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.' prevail, by the judgment of this great tribunal DEPARTMENT OF STATE, of the American people. WASHINGTON, March 15, 1861. Mr. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Mar

By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no Administration, by any extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.

My countrymen, and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, christianity, and a firm

[Memorandum.]

tin J. Crawford, of the State of Georgia, on the 11th instant,
through the kind offices of a distinguished Senator, submit-
ted to the Secretary of State their desire for an unofficial
interview. This request was, on the 12th instant, upon
exclusively public considerations, respectfully declined.
On the 13th instant, while the Secretary was preoccupied,
Mr. A. P. Banks, of Virginia, called at this Department and
ered a sealed communication, which he had been charged
was received by the Assistant Secretary, to whom he deliv
by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to present to the Secre
tary in person.

In that communication Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford inform the Secretary of State that they have been duly accredited by the Government of the Confederate States of America as Commissioners to the Government of the United States, and they set forth the object of their attendance at Washington. They observe that seven States of the American Union, in the exercise of a right inherent in every free people, have withdrawn, through conventions of their people, from the United States, reassumed the attribute of sovereign power, and formed a Government of their own, and that those Confederate States now constitute an independ ent nation de facto and de jure, and possess a Government perfect in all its parts, and fully endowed with all the means of self-support.

Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in the aforesaid communication, thereupon proceed to inform the Secretary that, with a view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political separation thus assumed, upon such terms of amity and good will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity, and the future welfare of the sup posed two nations might render necessary, they are inovertures for the opening of negotiations, assuring this

structed to make to the Government of the United States

Government that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States carnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions, and that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor to do any act to injure their late confederates.

After making these statements, Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford close their communication, as they say, in obedience to the instructions of their Government, by requesting the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day as possible in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear, and the objects of the mission with which they are charged.

APRIL 8, 1861..

The foregoing memorandum was filed in this Department on the 15th of March last. A delivery of the same, however, to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford was delayed, as was understood, with their consent. They have now, through their secretary, communicated their desire for a definitive disposition of the subject. The Secretary of State therefore directs that a duly verified copy of the paper be now delivered.

A true copy of the original, delivered to me by Mr. F. W. Seward, Assistant Secretary of State of the United States, on April 8th, 1861, at 2.15 P. M., in blank envelope. J. T. PICKETT, Secretary to the Commissioners.

ATTEST:

The Commissioners in reply to Mr. Seward.

Hon. WM. H. SEWARD,

States, Washington.

WASHINGTON, April 9, 1861. Secretary of State of the United

The "memorandum," dated Department of State, Washington, March 15, 1861, with postscript under date of 8th instant, has been received through the hands of Mr. J. T. Pickett, secretary to this commission, who, by the instructions of the undersigned, called for it on yesterday at the Department.

The Secretary of State frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently occurred, and the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the part of the Union to which his attention has thus been directed, very differently from the aspect in which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them not a rightful and accomplished revolution and an independent nation, with an established Government, but rather a perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement to the inconsiderate purpose of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon the rights and the authority rested in the Federal Government, and hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature they always must be 80 exercised, for the maintenance of the Union, the preservation of liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, happiness, and aggrandizement of the American people. The Secretary of State, therefore, avows to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he looks patiently but confidently for the cure of evils which have resulted from proceedings so unnecessary, so unwise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to irregular negotiations, having in view new and untried re-growing out of the pregnant and undeniable fact that those lations with agencies unknown to and acting in derogation of the Constitution and laws, but to regular and considerate action of the people of those States, in co-operation with their brethren in the other States, through the Congress of the United States, and such extraordinary Conventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the Federal Constitution contemplates and authorizes to be assembled. It is, how ever, the purpose of the Secretary of State on this occasion not to invite or engage in any discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. On the 4th of March instant the then newly elected President of the United States, in view of all the facts bearing on the present question, assumed the Executive administration of the Government, first delivering, in accordance with an early and horored custom, an inaugural address to the people of the United States. The Secretary of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. A simple reference to it will be sufficient to satisfy those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming that the States referred to by them, have, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the Federal Uniou, or that they could do so in the manner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a Na tional Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Of course the Secretary of tate cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit that the so-called Confederato States constitute a foreign Power, with whom diplomatic relations ought to be established.

Under these circumstances the Secretary of State, whose official duties are confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions or questions arising between the several States and the Federal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may present tire evidences of their authority and the object of their visit to the President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them.

Finally, the Secretary of State would observe that, although he has supposed that he might safely and with propriety have adopted these conclusions without making any reference of the subject to the Executive, yet so strong has been his desire to practice entire directness and to act in a spirit of perfect respect and candor towards Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, and that portion of the people of the Union in whose name they present themselves before him, that he has cheerfully submitted this paper to the President, who coincides generally in the views it expresses, and sanctions the Secretary's decision declining official intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford.

In that memorandum you correctly state the purport of the official note addressed to you by the undersigned on the 12th ultimo. Without repeating the contents of that note in full, it is enough to say here that its object was to invite the Government of the United States to a friendly consideration of the relations between the United States and the seven States lately of the Federal Union, but now separated from it by the sovereign will of their people, people have rejected the authority of the United States and established a Government of their own. Those rela tions had to be friendly or hostile. The people of the old and new Governments, occupying contiguous territories, had to stand to each other in the relation of good neighbors, each seeking their happiness and pursuing their national destinies in their own way, without interference with the other, or they had to be rival and hostile nations. The Government of the Confederate States had no hesita tion in electing its choice in this alternative. Frankly and unreservedly, seeking the good of the people who had entrusted them with power, in the spirit of humanity, of the Christian civilization of the age, and of that Americanism which regards the true welfare and happiness of the people, the Government of the Confederate States, among its first acts, commissioned the undersigned to approach the Gov ernment of the United States with the olive branch of peace, and to offer to adjust the great questions pending between them in the only way to be justified by the consciences and common sense of good men who had nothing but the welfare of the people of the two Confederacies at heart.

Your Government has not chosen to meet the undersigned in the conciliatory and peaceful spirit in which they are commissioned. Persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have produced their natural and often predicted result of the do struction of the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and gloriously together had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons, yon now, with a persistence untaught and uncured by the ruin which has been wrought, refuse to recognize the great fact presented to you of a completed and successful revolution; you close your eyes to the existence of the Government founded upon it, and ignore the high duties of moderation and humanity which attach to you in dealing with this great fact. Had you met these issues with the frankness and manliness with which the undersigned were instructed to present them to you and treat them, the undersigned had not now the melancholy duty to return home and tell their Government and their countrymen that their earnest and ceaseless efforts in behalf of peace had been futile, and that the Government of the United States meant to subjugate them by force of arms. Whatever may be the result, impartial history will record the innocence of the Government of the Confederate States, and place the responsibility of the blood and mourning that may ensue upon those who have denied the great fundamental doctrine of American liberty, that "Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," and who have set naval and land armaments in motion to subject the people of one portion of this land to the will of another portion. That that can never be done while a freeman survives in the Confederate States to wield a weapon, the undersigned appeal to past history to prove. These military demonstrations against the people of the seceded States are certainly far from

being in keeping and consistency with the theory of the
Secretary of State, maintained in his memorandum, that
these States are still component parts of the late American
Union, as the undersigned are not aware of any constitu-
tional power in the President of the United States to levy
war, without the consent of Congress, upon a foreign peo-
ple, much less upon any portion of the people of the United
States.
The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no
purpose to "invite or engage in discussion" of the subject
on which their two Governments are so irreconcilably at
variance. It is this variance that has broken up the old
Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. It is
proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss
the hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes
indicated, the people of the Confederate States will ever be
brought to submit to the authority of the Government of
the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too,
when you seek to separate our people from our Govern-
ment and to characterize the deliberate, sovereign act of
that people as a "perversion of a temporary and partisan
excitement." If you cherish these dreams you will be
awakened from them and find them as unreal and unsub-
stantial as others in which you have recently indulged.
The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious
duty were they to fail to make known to the Government
of the United States that the people of the Confederate
States have declared their independence with a full knowl-
edge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm
a determination to maintain it by all the means with which
nature has endowed them as that which sustained their
fathers when they threw off the authority of the British

crown.

The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are charged before the President of the United States, because so to do would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the Confederate States. This is the vein of thought that pervades the memorandum before us. The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the record that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States. They only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the Government of the late Federal Union. Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal notice to the commanding general of the Confederate forces in the harbor of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible means, if necesBary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood. The undersigned, in behalf of their Ge ment and people, accept the gage of battle thus thin down to them, and, appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power.

On the 1st of April we were again informed that there might be an attempt to supply Fort Sumter with provisions, but that Governor Pickens should have previous notice of this attempt There was no suggestion of a reinforcement. The undersigned did not hesitate to believe that these assurances expressed the intention of the Ad ministration at the time, or at all events of prominent members of the Administration. This delay was assented to for the express purpose of attaining the great end of the mission of the undersigned, to wit, a specific solution to existing complications. The inference deducible from the date of your memorandum that the undersigned had, of their own volition and without canse, consented to this long hiatus in the grave duties with which they were charged is therefore not consistent with a just exposition of the facts of the case.

The intervening twenty-three days were employed in active unofficial efforts, the object of which was to smooth the path to a pacific solution, the distinguished personage al inded to co-operating with the undersigned, and every step of that effort is recorded in writing, and now in possession of the undersigned and of their Government. It was only when all these anxious efforts for peace had been exhausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appeal to the sword to reduce the people of the Confederate States to the will of the section or party whose President he is, that the undersigned resumed the official negotiation temporarily suspended, and sent their secretary for a reply to their official note of March 12.

It is proper to add that, during these twenty-three days, two gentlemen of official distinction as high as that of the personage hitherto alluded to, aided the undersigned as intermediaries in these unofficial negotiations for peace.

The undersigned, Commissioners of the Confederate States of America, having thus made answer to all they deem material in the memorandum filed in the Department on the 15th of March last, have the honor to be,

JOHN FORSYTH,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD,
A. B. ROMAN.

A true copy of the original by one delivered to Mr. F. W.
Seward, Assistant Secretary of State of the United States,
at eight o'clock in the evening of April 9, 1861.
Attest:

J. T. PICKETT, Secretary, &c.

Mr. Seward in reply to the Commissioners.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

WASHINGTON, April 10, 1861. Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford, and Roman, having been ap prized by a memorandum which has been delivered to them that the Secretary of State is not at liberty to hold official intercourse with them, will, it is presumed, expect no notice from him of the new communication which they have addresssed to him under date of the 9th instant, beyond the simple acknowledgment of the receipt thereof, which he hereby very cheerfully gives.

A true copy of the original received by the Commissioners of the Confederate States this 10th day of April, 1861. J. T. PICKETT, Secretary, &c.

Attest:

JUDGE CAMPBELL'S STATEMENT RESPECTING HIS
PART IN THE NEGOTIATION.

WASHINGTON CITY, April 13, 1861. SIR: On the 15th of March ultimo I left with Judge Crawford, one of the Commissioners of the Confederate States, a note in writing to the effect following:

"I feel entire confidence that Fort Sumter will be evacuated in the next five days. And this measure is felt as imposing great responsibility on the Administration.

"I feel entire confidence that no measure changing the existing status, prejudicially to the Southern Confederate States, is at present contemplated.

"I feel an entire confidence that an immediate demand for an answer to the communication of the Commissioners will be productive of evil and not of good. I do not believe that it ought at this time to be pressed."

This communication cannot be properly closed without adverting to the date of your meinorandum. The official note of the undersigned, of the 12th March, was delivered t> the Assistant Secretary of State on the 13th of that month, the gentleman who delivered it informing him that the Secretary of this commission would call at twelve o'clock, noon, on the next day for an answer. At the appointed hour Mr. Pickett did call, and was informed by the Assistant Secretary of State that the engagements of the Secretary of State had prevented him from giving the note his attention. The Assistant Secretary of State then asked for the address of Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth, the members of the Commission then present in this city, took note of the address on a card, and engaged to send whatever reply might be made to their lodgings. Why this was not done it is proper should be here explained. The memorandum is dated March 15, and was not delivered until April 8. Why was it withheld during the intervening twenty-three days? In the posteript to your memorandum you say it was delayed, as was understood, with thir (Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford's) consent." This is true; but it is also true that on the 15th of March The next day, after conversing with you, I communicated Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford were assured, by a person to Judge Crawford, in writing, that the failure to evacuate occupying a high official position in the Government, and Sumter was not the result of bad faith, but was attributable who, as they believed, was speaking by authority, that to causes consistent with the intention to fulfill the engageFort Sumter would be evacuated within a very few days, ment, and that, as regarded Pickens, I should have notice and that no measure changing the existing status preju- of any design to alter the existing status there. Mr. Justice dicially to the Confederate States, as respects Fort Pickens, Nelson was present at these conversations, three in numwas then contemplated, and these assurances were subse-ber, and I submitted to him each of my written communiquently repeated, with the addition that any contemplated change as respects Fort Pickens would be notified to us.

The substance of this statement I communicated to you the same evening by letter. Five days clapsed and I called with a telegram from General Beauregard to the effect that Sumter was not evacuated, but that Major Anderson was at work making repairs.

cations to Judge Crawford, and informed Judge C. that they had his (Judge Nelson's) sanction. I gave you, on the 22d

I have a profound conviction that the telegrams of the 8th of April of General Beauregard, and of the 10th of April of General Walker, the Secretary of War, can be referred to nothing else than their belief that there has been systematic duplicity practiced on them through me. It is under an oppressive sense of the weight of this responsibility that I submit to you these things for your ex-bell balanced long between loyalty and secession, the preplanation.