predicted three weeks ago the disasters which have overtaken our arms; and I do not think (if I were to predict now) that six months hence the Senator will indulge in the same tone of prediction which is his favorite key now. I would ask him, what would you have us do-a Confederate army within twenty miles of us, advancing or threatening to advance to overwhelm your Government; to shake the pillars of the Union; to bring it around your head, if you stay here, in ruins? Are we to stop and talk about an uprising sentiment in the North against the war? Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we predict? Is not the manly part to go on as we have begun, to raise money, and levy armies, to organize them, to prepare to advance, to regulate that advance by all the laws and regulations that civilization and humanity will allow in time of battle? Can we do anything more? To talk to us about stopping is idle; we will never stop. Will the Senator yield to rebellion? Will he shrink from armed insurrection? Will his State justify it? Will its better public opinion allow it? Shall we send a flag of truce? What would he have? Or would he conduct this war so feebly, that the whole world would smile at us in derision? What would he have? These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the land-what clear, distinct meaning have they? Are they not intended for disorganization in our very midst? Are they not intended to dull our weapons? Are they not intended to destroy our zeal ? Are they not intended to animate our enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished treason, even in the very Capitol of the Confederacy?

What would have been thought if, in another capitol, in another republic, in a yet more martial age, a senator as grave, not more eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman purple flying over his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of Cannæ, a senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treasury, and every appeal to the old recollections and the old glories? Sir, a Senator,* learned far more than myself in such lore, tells me, in a voice that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the Tarpeian Rock. It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution that we permit these words to be uttered. I ask the Senator to

*Hon. John P. Hale.

recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort to the enemy, do these predictions of his amount to? Every word thus uttered falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear. Every sound thus uttered is a word (and, falling from his lips, a mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a foe that determines to advance. For me, I have no such word as a Senator to utter. For me, amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems that my duty calls me to utter another word, and that word is bold, sudden, forward, determined war, according to the laws of war, by armies, by military commanders clothed with full power, advancing with all the past glories of the Republic urging them on to conquest. I do not stop to consider whether it is subjugation. or not. It is compulsory obedience-not to my will; not to yours, sir; not to the will of any one man; not to the will of any one State; but compulsory obedience to the Constitution of the whole country.-Hon. E. D. Baker, 1861.

SUBJUGATION OF THE SOUTH.

THE Senator from Kentucky chose the other day again and again to animadvert on a single expression in a little speech which I delivered before the Senate, in which I took occasion to say that if the people of the rebellious States would not govern themselves as States, they ought to be governed as Territories. The Senator knew full well then, for I explained it twice-he knows full well now-that on this side of the chamber; nay, in this whole chamber; nay, in this whole North and West; nay, in all the loyal States in all their breadth, there is not a man among us all who dreams of causing any man in the South to submit to any rule, either as to life, liberty or property, that we ourselves do not willingly agree to yield to. Did he ever think of that? Subjugation for what? When we subjugate South Carolina what shall we do? We shall compel its obedience to the Constitution of the United States; that is all. Why play upon words? We do not mean, we have never said, any more. If it be slavery that men should obey the Constitution their fathers fought for, let it be so. If it be freedom, it is freedom equally for them and for us. We propose to subjugate rebellion into loyalty; we propose to subjugate insurrection into peace; we propose to subjugate Confederate anarchy into constitutional Union liberty. The Senator well knows that we propose no more. I ask him, I appeal to his

better judgment, now, what does he imagine we intend to do, if fortunately we conquer Tennessee or South Carolinacall it " conquer," if you will, sir-what do we propose to do? They will have their courts still, they will have their ballot-boxes still, they will have their elections still, they will have their representatives upon this floor still, they will have taxation and representation still, they will have the writ of habeas corpus still, they will have every privilege they ever had and all we desired. When the Confederate armies are scattered, when their leaders are banished from power, when the people return to a late repentant sense of the wrong they have done to a Government they never felt but in benignancy and blessing, then the Constitution made for all will be felt by all, like the descending rains from heaven which bless all alike. Is that subjugation? To restore what was, as it was, for the benefit of the whole country and of the whole human race, is all we desire and all we can have. Gentlemen talk about the Northeast. I appeal to Senators from the Northeast, is there a man in all your States who advances upon the South with any other idea but to restore the Constitution of the United States in its spirit and its unity? I never heard that one. I believe no man indulges in any dream of inflicting there any wrong to public liberty; and I respectfully tell the Senator from Kentucky that he persistently, earnestly—I will not say wilfully-misrepresents the sentiment of the North and West when he attempts to teach these doctrines to the Confederates of the South.-Hon. E. D. Baker, 1861.

MEN AND MONEY.

SIR, this threat about money and men amounts to nothing. Some of the States which have been named in that connection, I know well. I know, as my friend from Illinois will bear me witness, his own State very well. I am sure that no temporary defeat, no monetary disaster, will swerve that State either from its allegiance to the Union, or from its determination to preserve it. It is not with us a question of money or of blood; it is a question involving considerations higher than these. The great portion of our population are loyal to the core, and in every chord of their hearts.. I tell the Senator that his predictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes for the middle States, sometimes for the Northeast, and then wandering away in airy visions out to the far Pacific, about the dread of our people of the loss of blood

and treasure, provoking them to disloyalty, are false in sentiment and false in fact. The Senator from Kentucky is mistaken in them all. Five hundred million dollars! What then? Great Britain gave more than two thousand millions in the great battle for constitutional liberty which she led at one time almost single handed against the world. Five hundred thousand men! What then? We have them; they are ours; they are children of the country. They belong to the whole country; they are our sons; our kinsmen; and there are many of us who will give them all up before we abate one word of our just demand, or will retract one inch from the line which divides right from wrong. Sir, it is not a question of men or money in that sense. All the men, all the money, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause. When we give them, we know their value. Knowing their value well, we give them with the more pride and the more joy.

Sir, how can we retreat? Sir, how can we make peace? Who shall treat? What commissioners? Who would go? Upon what terms? Where is to be your boundary line? Where the end of the principles we shall have to give up? What will become of constitutional government? What will become of public liberty? What of past glories? What of future hopes? Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave a degraded, defeated, emasculated people, frightened by the results of one battle, and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the Senator from Kentucky upon this floor? No, sir; a thousand times, no! We will rally-if, indeed, our words be necessary-we will rally the people, the loyal people, of the whole country. They will pour forth their treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure. The most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate chamber floor, as of old, a warrior and senator did, and from that single tramp there will spring forth armed legions. Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen? the loss of one thousand men or twenty thousand, of one hundred million dollars, or five hundred millions? In a year's peace, in ten years at most, of peaceprogress, we can restore them all. There will be some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life. When that is said, all is said. If we have the country, the whole country, the Union, the Constitution-free government-with these will return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the career of the country will be one of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden time, our fathers saw

ful

in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such as would have been ours to-day, if it had not been for the treason for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize.

Hon. E. D. Baker, 1861.

THE PEACE MEN.

I.

THE cry for "peace" comes from the enemies of the Government. The leading voices that uplift it have never condemned the outbreak of the war, the first drill of battalions, the first roar of cannon. The men who shout thus have been, from the first, in sympathy with the war-makers. They gloat over national disasters. They shriek for the assassination of the President. They are branded for Jeff. Davis, on the shameless foreheads of their souls, deeper than California cattle are seared with the owner's mark.

Martin Luther tells us that he used to be troubled seriously by visits from the devil at night. The devil seemed to take great pleasure in taunting him with being a sinner, and in bringing to his remembrance heinous transgressions that he had committed. Luther at last bethought him of a way to rid himself of these homilies. One night the devil came in a very serious mood, to break down the reformer's confidence in God, and said: "Luther, you have nearly sinned away your time of grace." "I know it," exclaimed the reformer, "Holy Satan, pray for me!" The devil saw the joke, and left Luther free from disturbance for a month.

A cry for peace from filibusters and bosom friends of William Walker! A cry for the sacredness of human life from men who have plotted to overrun Mexico and Central America, in order to lay the black foundations of a slave empire on soil dyed crimson! A cry for light taxes from men who would have been too happy, six months ago, to pay two hundred millions, or a war with Spain, for Cuba! A cry of sympathy with laboring classes from men who believe that bondage is the true basis of a State, and who applaud in their hearts the call of their allies in the South to restrict the right of suffrage and found a government of gentlemen! A cry of economy from men of a party that once administered the finances of San Francisco! The hounds on the track of Broderick turned peace men, and affected with hysterics at the sniff of powder! Wonderful transformation! What a