guishing between that which was accidental and transient, and that which was permanent in the forces then at work, and availing ourselves of the repeal of the Missiouri Compromise as a godsend to our cause, we should have summoned the manhood of Indiana to its rescue. Both the Temperance men and a majority of the Know Nothings were more or less imbued with anti-slavery sentiments, whilst both stood ready to make common cause against Old Line Democracy, and to yield something of prejudice, if not of conviction, for the sake of an effective union. The Free Soilers of the State were pretty largely represented in the Convention, and it was only necessary for them to say, unitedly and with emphasis, that a Republican party should be organized, and it would have been done. But the united and emphatic word was not spoken. Fusion was the magic sound that charmed all ears. Resolutions were offered declaring, first, the principle of opposition to slavery within constitutional limits, and to the extent of constitutional power; and second, that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise had destroyed whatever of finality was understood to pertain to the compromise acts of 1850, and remitted the free States back to their just rights under the Federal Constitution. These moderate resolutions were voted down, and others adopted by which in effect, if not in express words, the restoration of the Missouri Compromise was made the only specific basis of union. By this action of the Convention the new movement was committed to an essentially pro-slavery policy; for even the doughface could preach the restoration of this compromise when expounded as the limit of his anti-slavery designs, as a flat negative of the doctrine of slavery restriction generally, and merely as a rebuke to the administration for disturbing the healing measures of 1850. It was a narrow and double-faced issue at best, but in this instance it had only a face looking southward. It was a false issue, and it was, besides, wholly impracticable. Our more radical anti-slavery men, however, acquiesced. The Temperance men were generally satisfied, because a resolution was adopted which met their acceptance. The Know Nothings were pleased, not only because they liked the platform, but because the State ticket publicly nominated at the same time had been formed by the Order in secret conclave the day before, as the outside world has since learned. Thus was inaugurated our “Fusion" or " People's Party," for it did not pretend to be anything else. It was a compromise party. It was "a combination of weaknesses," rather than a union of forces. It was conceived in mere policy and the lust for office, midwifed by

unbelieving politicians, and from its birth cowardice was stamped upon its features.

The campaign thus begun was conducted as might have been expected. The Free Soil party was disbanded, without having committed the people to its doctrines. Its members were generally at work in the Know Nothing lodges, or, if outside, maintaining a position of prudent subordination or absolute silence, in order "to save the Union," whilst new men were in the van of the fight, disowning "Abolitionism," expounding the platform as eminently "national," and exhibiting such consummate gifts in prophesying smooth things as to bring multitudes on to our side, not by converting them to the anti-slavery gospel, but by disavowing its essential character and spirit. To fulminate radical opinions where it would conduce to success, and disavow them where it would favor the same result; to avoid giving offense to anti-slavery men, and yet administer the truth in such homoeopathic doses as not to nauseate the doughfaces; to get hold of the offices by a deceptive triumph, achieved by artfully combining opposite and irreconcilable elements, whilst pretending to labor for the dissemination of principle, these were the methods employed by many of the captains who commanded the people in this memorable campaign. They succeeded; but that their success materially aided the cause of political reform in the State, is what I am not prepared to admit. I need not refer to particular results. It is sufficient to know that when the victory was won, no great principle could be regarded as having been settled by a majority of the people; that it was gained by men unworthy to share it, because incapable of using it for the public good; and that the real power of a movement lies not so much in the numbers it can muster, as in the principle which is its basis, and the loyalty with which men stand by it. The "People's Ticket" was carried by diplomacy and stratagem, and not by the strength of a common conviction, and the victory proved, to a great extent, barren of good fruits, but prolific of bad ones, through its demoralizing example.

The virus of "Fusion" had

For observe now what followed. so entered into our political life that few had the courage even to suggest the necessity of expelling it as the first duty. The disjointed army must be kept in the field, and the power of mere tactics again put to the test. On the 13th of July, 1855, another fusion convention met at Indianapolis, under the same leadership as that of the year before, and adopted substantially the same platform. The hand of Know Nothingism, unseen for a time by thou

sands who had struggled against Indiana Democracy, was now distinctly visible, driving them in disgust from a movement that had used them as its unconscious tools; but the Order, though rapidly declining, still resolved to control the combination, whilst still endeavoring to disguise its agency. It was very natural, therefore, that in the local elections of this year the Democrats were triumphantly victorious. It became palpable to everybody that the restless and jarring forces that had tugged together at the same ropes for a season could never again be effectively united, and that while our extreme eagerness to succeed had given us a nominal victory, we were left without any substantial basis of success in the future.

Our leaders, however, were bent upon carrying out still further their peculiar line of policy. Early in the spring of 1856 a convention of the " People's Party" was called at Indianapolis, for the first of May. The familiar spirit of Know Nothingism was distinctly shadowed forth in the call, though a separate one was issued by the Order for a convention on the same day, and at the same place. The Temperance men were likewise again appealed to, whilst the People's" editors of the State resolved to hold a private consultation at Indianapolis on the day before, several of these editors being Know Nothings of the Fillmore type. Significant intimations were given out, in various ways, that a retreat was contemplated, even from the low ground occupied during the two years previous; but it was certain, at all events, that no advance was to be made.

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The "People's Convention" met. met. Although Americanism, in the form of a secret organization, was more rapidly decaying than the year before, those who had been its chief managers were in attendance, and prominently or secretly active. Our temperance law, the fruit of the campaign of 1854, had gone down under judicial decision, as well as popular disapprobation in large divisions of the State; yet a resolution was adopted which necessarily identified us with its fortunes, whilst no practical end could possibly be accomplished, at that time, by bringing the question to the ballot-box in any form. Thousands of votes were lost by this folly. On the other hand, the slavery question was more and more engrossing all minds and stirring all hearts. Republican organi-. zations, on a broad anti-slavery basis, had been launched in New York, Massachusetts, Ohio, and other States, and the organization of a National party had been initiated at Pittsburg. All could see that the Democracy was to be vanquished, if at all, by the strength of the Republican idea, through the Republican organiza

tion as its instrument, disconnected with all side issues, and free from all coalitions whatsoever. The Convention, however, under prevailing counsels, whilst pretending to go considerable lengths on the slavery issues, dodged them all save the single one of Free Kansas. Instead of falling into line with the movements referred to in other States, it expressly voted down a proposition to accept even the name Republican. The party was still the "People's Party;" our delegates to the National Republican Convention were the "People's Delegates" to the "People's Convention; the State ticket nominated was the "People's Ticket; " our electors were the "People's Electors ;" and under the preamble to the platform adopted, all the "Silver-Gray Whigs" and Fillmore Know Nothings of the State were recognized as brethren in full communion. At least one man on the State ticket was an avowed Fillmore man, whilst both Fillmore and anti-Fillmore men were chosen as delegates to Philadelphia, and electors for the State. Perfect consistency only demanded one additional step in the process of leveling downwards, giving the Democracy a common stake in the scramble! Such a policy was the climax of political folly, to use no harsher word. The golden moment for organizing a party upon a solid basis was seized by faithless leaders, and a shameless scuffle for the spoils was substituted for a glorious battle for the right.

Accordingly, the policy which assumed to control the canvass was shallow and mean spirited to the last degree. The work most of all needed in Indiana was to proclaim the fundamental doctrines of Republicanism boldly, in their whole length and breadth. If there were sections of the State in which "Abolitionism" is more dreaded than the brand of a felon, and over which the doughface is sovereign, we should have penetrated these dominions, and declared the truth to the people. If Know Nothingism interposed its bigoted projects as a barrier to our cause, we should have met it with the same even-handed opposition with which we encountered our main foe. If the slavery question had never been generally discussed before our people, and our principles were everywhere misunderstood, these facts supplied the strongest possible reasons for such discussion, suppressing or evading nothing of what we held as true. The evils of slavery should have been unsparingly portrayed, not simply as a curse to the soil, and a wrong to both master and slave, but as an unspeakable outrage upon man, and a crime against God. The slave system, not merely as injurious and unprofitable, but as essentially infernal in its nature, should have

been analyzed and understood, as the only solid basis of political action against it. If, thus honestly fighting for our principles, we had yet failed at the ballot-box, we should have been consoled by the consciousness of having done our duty, and thus laid the only foundation for possible success in the future.

But the darkest portions of our State were abandoned in the canvass because of their darkness. Southern Indiana, in which the fight should have been hottest and most incessant, was mainly given over to the tender mercies of Fillmore Know Nothingism and Buchanan Democracy. The establishment of a press there, to counteract these forces, was discountenanced, lest pro-slavery men should vote against our ticket. The country south of the National Road was forbidden ground to anti-slavery speakers, lest our success should be jeoparded by the preaching of the truth. Clay, Burlingame, and others from abroad, were employed where they were little needed, and studiously kept out of localities in which their services were imperatively demanded, as if a good cause could hope to triumph in the hands of those who were ashamed or afraid to espouse it in the face of the world. Know Nothingism was petted, not because it was with us in principle, but because we were willing to sell our principles for office. Neither the economical nor the moral bearings of the slavery question were much discussed, whilst the real issues tendered in the Philadelphia Platform were rarely, if ever, fairly stated from the stump. The general style of our public speaking implied that the admission of Kansas as a free State was the sole issue. Border-ruffian outrages, and elaborate disclaimers of "Abolitionism" were the regular staple of our orators. What infinite pains were taken to keep the "People's Party above all taint of suspicion as to the latter abomination! With what emphasis did our leaders asseverate that they were not Abolitionists, and had no desire to interfere with slavery in the States, or to discuss the relation of master and slave where it exists by law; that our party was exceedingly National, and wonderfully friendly to the Union; and that at most we only opposed the further extension of slavery, which the old Whig and Democratic parties did years ago, whilst we were decidedly opposed to marrying the negroes, or setting them free among us! Such were the enticing words, the gingerly apologies, and the thin-skinned tactics which passed muster with our State Central Committee. Our tender-footed managers even seemed afraid of the shadow of Republicanism, for they systematically suppressed their own electoral ticket during the canvass, till the October election put an end to all hope of a Union ticket with the Fillmore party!