achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from thę motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that all should have an equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use force, unless force is used against it.

My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed I was merely to do something toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet. [Cries of "No, no."] But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by.

ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, PA., FEB. 22, 1861.

[In this speech, addressed to the speakers and members of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania, President Lincoln, it will be observed, makes allusion to his engagement in the early functions of the day-the anniversary of Washington's birth-and of his visit to the historic Independence Hall. He depreciates, it will be seen, the call for the services of the military arm of the Nation in the then crisis, and trusts that the occasion may not arise for its use, especially in shedding fraternal blood. He nevertheless expresses pleasure in relying upon the military aid which the general government may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in any emergency that may arise, though the call for such, so far as wisdom may direct, shall not come through any fault or neglect of his].

Mr. Speaker of the Senate, and also Mr. Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Gentlemen of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania: I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think a just one, in the late election.

Allusion has been made to the fact-the interesting fact perhaps we should say that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for

the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting my deep regret that I had not more time to express something of my own feelings excited by the oc casion, that had been really the feelings of my whole life.

Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place; I had applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous coöperation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously.

I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to what has been said about the military support which the General Government may expect from the commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your mili

tary force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper emergency— while I make these acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine.

Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is supposed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to

you.

And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks.

FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861.

[By the time the following memorable address was delivered, President Lincoln had reached Washington and been sworn into office as successor to President Buchanan. He had, moreover, organized his government, calling to the Cabinet such influential men of the anti-slavery and national party as Seward, Chase, Blair, Welles, Cameron, Stanton, Caleb B. Smith, and Edward Bates. The Confederate government had also been organized, with Jefferson Davis as President, and Alex. H. Stevens as Vice-President; though actual hostilities had not as yet commenced, if we except the grave menace of seizing Federal property, the investment in Charleston harbor of Fort Sumter, and holding and expressing disunion sentiments. A little more than a month later, came the firing on Fort Sumter, its surrender to the South Carolina troops, and the indignant rising and patriotic enthusiasm of the North, with the call to arms in support of the Union.

Lincoln, as the choice of the nation for the presidency, was soon justified by the force of will, firmness, and justice which characterized Mr. Lincoln's every word and act; while he won all to him by his urbanity, modesty, approachableness, and the unwearying care which he gave to the exacting duties of his oner ous office. His ability and judgment, as well as his conciliatory manner and kindliness of mood, won over to him and the Northern cause, of which he was the embodiment, even his old adversary, Judge S. A. Douglas, whose regretted death was soon now to occur. At the same time, Lincoln succeeded in gaining the support and confidence of all his Cabinet, and won the esteem and respect of so commanding a figure in the councils of the Nation as his Secretary of State, William H. Seward, who was compelled, on a notable occasion which shortly arose, to bow before the President's will-power and ready, tactical resource. The Inaugural, it will be seen, is a remarkable and statesmanlike utterance, marked by an earnest appeal for unity and peace, despite its announcement of the law-abiding policy of the government, and the placing of responsibility for any bloodshed upon those who should defy and resist Federal authority and engage in the breaking of the law].

Fellow-citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your