is no dirty work of party he will not perform with seeming zeal to repel all suspicion of the sincerity of his apostacy. One would have supposed that he might have contented himself with what he had already done to prove his abolitionism, by his vote to rob many of his own constituents and other citizens of his own State of their lawfully acquired property without compensation. It is fair to presume that this man, like other border State apostates, was reared and lived in a wholesome abhorrence of abolitionism, until the allurement of unchastened ambition and the greed for office led to his ratting. The unblushing effrontery with which he and those other bear their load of odium and infamy is in strong contrast with the conduct, under similar circumstances, of a distinguished ratter in England. Charles Yorke, a son of the great Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, possessed of talents fit to rival his father, “of the most varied accomplishments, and of every virtue in public and private life," in the full maturity of his mind, yielded to the seduction of ambition and received the Lord Chancellorship, with a membership of a cabinet inimical to the political party with which he had always acted. Finding how his conduct was viewed by his former friends, mortification and shame drove him to suicide in three days after his reception of the high office which had all along been the very aim of his utmost ambition. Our border State apostates, instead of fleeing from their shame by suicide, industriously increase it in hue and degree by showing themselves in the lead among the most subservient of the tools of power.

That they may not impute to the writer the manufacture of an opinion for the occasion, he will quote what he published in 1856 concerning the ratting of a prominent apostate of that day.

"Born in the South, reared in the South, married in the South, with all his relatives and connections located in the South, it has an unseemly look, the lending himself to Northern extremists to lead a contest against the section of his nativity. A man is excusable for not aiding his mother in an unjust quarrel, but not for taking active part against her. Such a man is not apt to be what Western people call whole-hearted. They suspect him for more ambition than patriotism."

"No one can believe that Fremont honestly entertains the opinions of his party. His pretense of doing so can be viewed

no otherwise than as a corrupt barter of his principles and his opinions for the nomination.”

"Fremont knows and the world knows that he owes his nomination to Abolitionists of the worst stamp. * * * "It is impossible that Fremont can have any real sympathy with these men, and, by suffering himself to be so used, he is subjected to the suspicion that he has sold himself for the nomination."

The Maryland apostate insisted that the refusal by Mr. Long of extirpation as the alternative for disunion, is the avowal of a disloyalty for which he deserved expulsion. The cold-blooded, vindictive extermination of all our Southern countrymen, the ruthless massacre of millions of non-combatant men, women, and children, is the Christian alternative which he prefers. Language fails in the expression of a proper abhorrence for such a sentiment. It could find lodgment only in the foulest, most malignant bosom. It could find utterance only from bought apostate lips, or from those of the most frantic fanaticism.

Grievously has the South erred, most criminally erred in this rebellion, but most grievously is she paying, and will still further have to pay, the penalty of her crime. But what is the blackest feature of that crime on the part of her leaders; what is there peculiar in the crime of those leaders which gives it marked preeminence in the scale of human iniquity? It is that by precipitancy and terrorism they forced into the rebellion a large portion (President Lincoln says one-half) of the Southern population against their wishes, thereby compelling them, though morally innocent, to endure a full share of the calamity which the rebellion has caused to the South. Now the indiscriminate massacre of the adult male part of that population who have not aided the rebellion can be vindicated upon no principle of justice or State necessity. On the contrary, the release of that part of the Southern people from the thraldom of those infamous leaders affords the strongest of all the justificatory reasons for the war of invasion against the South. But to say nothing of the infamy of exterminating the female and infant relatives of active rebels, what conceivable justification can there be for exterminating the female and infant relatives of those Southern Union men who, from mere impotency to resist, have been compelled unwillingly to acquiesce in the overmastering rebel usurpation? There is none. No prin

ciple of justice, no conceivable necessity, can rescue such a massacre from the condemnation which the whole civilized world will pronounce as equal in atrocity to the foulest national or individual crime ever yet perpetrated.

We leave the apostate ratter to wear with what comfort he may the cap of denunciation so admirably fitted for him by Mr. Cox.

CHAPTER X.

EMANCIPATION

WHITE AND BLACK.

PUBLISHED APRIL, 1864.

No. I.

THE amendments of the Constitution pending in Congress indicate a settled purpose to readjust the great fundamental compromises of the Federal Government. While this is being done with a seemingly exclusive view to alleged justice to our black population, it is thought that justice to our white citizens should not be overlooked in the readjustment of the basis of our Union.

Whether from superior sagacity or from closer attention to her own interests, New England had the original compromises all her own way. For the sake of her then profit in the African slavetrade, and the prospective benefit from the protection of her shipping against foreign competition, she sold to the extreme South a twenty year's continuance of the slave-trade. Her States being small in territory, and with neither soil nor climate suited to a large population, she succeeded in obtaining for every State an equal voice in the most important department of the Government. Availing herself of the anxiety of the larger States to perfect the Union, she compelled them to agree that her smallest State should always have a vote in the Senate equal to that of the largest and most populous. Hence little Rhode Island has a vote or political power equal to great New York or Pennsylvania. Hence citizens residing east of the Hudson have each a political power or influence six times greater than those residing immediately west of that river.

The great ethical principle which, in a representative republic, requires the distribution of political power in proportion to population, was thus made to yield to her peculiar interests under the pretext that such a quasi State veto was indispensable to the preservation of the reserved or withheld rights and powers of

the separate States, including the control of all local State institutions, the regulation of private property, and the defining for itself of the political status of the population of each separate State.

With admirable forecast and sagacity, New England took the precaution to restrict the nation in even its power of constitutional amendment, by making it a permanent, irrevocable feature of the Constitution, that each State should always have an equal vote in the Senate. To this end, the Constitution says that by no amendment shall a "State, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate."

Let it be remembered-1. That by reason of the selfish, mercenary greed of New England in keeping open the slave-trade, we are now suffering fully one-third the infliction caused by our negro population. 2. That by reason of the protection afforded by discriminating duties to her shipping and her manufacturers, she has had the comparative monopoly of the richest, most bountiful market in the world, until she has grown insolently rich, even to repletion. 3. That by her dexterity she obtained and many long years has enjoyed a bounty paid by the Federal Government on her codfish, and still continues to enjoy that bounty, while buying the salt with which she cures her fish in the British Provinces, without paying any duty therefor to our Government. 4. That by her gross disloyalty during the last war with England, and by recklessly driving forward with precipitate greed her selfish policy of a protective tariff, she brought the nation to the verge of civil war during the time of President Jackson, and first caused at the South sectional alienation and unfriendly feeling toward the Union. 5. That by her ceaseless agitation of the slave question, with her persistent efforts at interference with a subject over which she had no constitutional right of control, coupled with her blasphemous denunciations of the Constitution and the Union, has been mainly instrumental in inflicting upon the nation the terrible disaster under which we are now suffering. 6. That after wantonly provoking the South into hating and despising her, she is now seeking to wield the whole power of the nation to punish that hate and contempt by Southern extermination, or by preventing a restoration of the Union, under the pretext of fanatical zeal in behalf of human freedom; while all indulgence of such

she