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to be a law of war, or the right to use poisoned weapons or to assassinate."

President Lincoln, by his resort to such means against his own countrymen, has done what he can to degrade the nation even below the level of those who murder prisoners, use poisoned weapons, or assassinate in war with a foreign enemy.

5. With the aid of time, the policy of separation can be carried out beneficially for both races, by obtaining in Southern Mexico. or Central America sites for colonies so accessible that the negroes could work their own way there, without expense to the Government. This they would willingly do so soon as the colonies began to prosper. Voluntary emancipation would progress rapidly, and public sentiment would justify the free States in even coercing emigration to relieve them from the negro nuisance.

6. The system of Mexican peonage, into which it is now attempted to convert negro slavery, has nothing to recommend it. While it has been reducing a semi-civilized people to barbarism, negro slavery, as practiced in this country, especially in the northwardly slave States, has elevated a race from the extreme of ignorant barbarism to a comparative condition of intelligent civilization. The contrast between the imported African and the civilized negro of our border States, with his physical, intellectual, and moral improvement, is inadequately expressed by the difference between a donkey and a thorough-bred racer. This improvement, too, has been accomplished with as large physical comfort on the part of the negro, as belongs to the condition of much of the laboring peasantry in Europe. Our own experience as to leased plantation negro labor has thus far proved the scheme successful only in enriching the vilest Shoddies at the expense of the cheated, maltreated negro.

7. The scheme of miscegenation and amalgamation is one of equal folly. The law of nature against the propagation of hybrids vindicates its supremacy by a visible deterioration from both races, before reaching the octoroon, when propagation entirely ceases. Besides, the scheme is so disgustingly revolting to the strong natural instincts of our people, as to render its proposal a gross insult to the nation. If our abolition men and women will insist on having it tried with their personal aid, it is to be hoped that our country will not be disgraced by the experiment, but

that it may be made in some foreign land. This natural revulsion is not to be conquered by its fierce denunciation in the halls of Congress as "a base prejudice."

8. We need no further experiments to prove the empiricism of charlatan negro philanthropy. Of all the faults and crimes of the nation from its connection with the negro race, there is none so prominent as that which has occurred during the present war and which is altogether of abolition procurement. Their proclamations, though failing in their main purpose of inciting the use of the knife and the torch in negro insurrections, yet succeeded in seducing them from their comfortable homes to our camps and military stations by the tens of thousands, where, massed together in loathsome squalor, they died off like rotten sheep, by all the pitiable modes of death incident to starvation and unprotected exposure to the inclemencies of the weather.

Such is abolition wisdom and philanthropy; such is the stain upon our national character for humanity, inflicted by an abolition administration.

President Lincoln must have suffered some severe twinges of conscience for this, or he would not have made public acknowledgment of his blunder, by authorizing the people of rebel States to re-enslave those he claimed to have irrevocably emancipated. This he did by authorizing the rebel States to subject those he had emancipated unconditionally to a preparatory pupilage before receiving the full rights of freemen.

9. The objections to abolitionizing the Constitution areFirst. It would preclude reconciliation-all chance of amicable reconstruction—leaving everything to the uncertain issue of long

war.

Second. Such amendment of the Constitution can be obtained only by the fraudulent manufacture of new States out of Territories not having one-third the population entitling them to admission into the Union, and the fraudulent manipulation of rebel States.

Third. It would be an act of base, ungrateful perfidy toward the border slave States, who aided the suppression of the rebellion under the most solemn, oft-repeated assurances from Congress and President that nothing of the sort should be attempted, yet the amendment requires the destruction, not to say the robbery,

of more than two hundred millions worth of property in those States, owned by loyal citizens guiltless of all fault toward the Government, without whose aid the Union could not have been preserved; indeed, it is more than doubtful whether, without that aid, the President and Cabinet would have made even a serious effort at its preservation by force.

Fourth. It would induce a supposed necessity for another amendment giving Congress exclusive separate power to govern what are now four million, in twenty-two years will be eight million, and in forty-four years will be sixteen million of negroes, scattered throughout the nation, as prefigured by the bill of last session creating the Freedmen's Department; or for an amendment that shall at once raise the negroes to all the rights of full citizenship, including that of emigrating and settling where they please, in despite the will of the white inhabitants of the several States.

War Policy, Past, Present, and Prospective.

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1. "That this war is not waged for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing the institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, with all the rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease.' Such was the policy of the war, as enunciated at its commencement with so much unanimity by Congress and ratified with equal unanimity by the nation, silencing all party feeling and volunteering more men than the Administration had use for or would accept.

2. The cardinal principle of this policy was and should continue to be coercion, accompanied by conciliation, for Union restoration and Constitution preservation.

3. The whole war power belonging to Congress, the policy thus announced should have guided and governed every other department; and, after the nation became committed to the war on that policy, it should have served as a guide to Congress also; for it was on faith in that pledge and belief in that policy that the people of the loyal States entered with such hearty unanimity into the war.

4. President Lincoln inaugurated a new and altogether different policy by his illegal abolition proclamation.

Since then the war has been waged for party vengeance and abolition purposes, restoration being subordinated to those objects. This was for some time denied by his supporters, who pretended that restoration was the principal, while abolition was the mere incident. But he himself has placed it beyond further denial by his proclamation "to whom it may concern." He there casts off all dissimulation or attempted disguise, and frankly tells the nation he will permit no peace or restoration unless accompanied by abolition, thus unequivocally making abolition, if not the principal, the equal with restoration, and rendering it as important as if it were the sole object of the war.

5. That abolition proclamation, with its accompanying proclamation of martial law over the whole Union, and attempted suspension of the habeas corpus without congressional sanction, are of treasonable aspect, tendency, and purpose.

Supposing President Lincoln and his Cabinet moderately qualified for their stations, each of them well knew-first, that those proclamations were gross usurpations; secondly, that they would divide the North while uniting the South; thirdly, that such division would greatly impair the physical strength of the North, while diminishing the moral force of the Government at home and abroad; fourthly, that the task of suppressing the rebellion was one of sufficient difficulty for even the whole undivided strength of the North; fifthly, that a moiety, if not a majority of the loyal people of the North held abolitionism in abhorrence, and would not willingly aid in prosecuting the war for its continuance; sixthly, that they held martial law, with all other modes of tyrannical usurpation, in equal abhorrence, and would not patiently submit to the suppression of civil authority by military force; seventhly, that the military efficiency of a republic always depends upon a hearty approval of the war by a largely preponderant majority of the people.

With this full knowledge on the part of those men, it will be difficult for Charity herself to absolve them from all treasonable purpose, when thus precipitating the nation into an abolition

crusade.

To change the policy of the war, as prescribed by Congress and

sanctioned by the nation; willfully to weaken the North for any purpose; willfully to hinder restoration; or willfully to prolong the war for the sake of vengeance, or any other mere abolition party purpose, is plain moral treason. It is treason of so dark a tint that it can be absolved only by those who place the gratification of party or fanatic vengeance above the obligations of patriotism. The annals of all bad men furnish no instance of a baser, more disastrous betrayal of public trust.

The very few honest fanatics who really believe that any amount of national peril or disaster can be properly incurred for the sake of their emancipation experiment, may be absolved on the plea of irresponsible insanity. Not so as to these ambitious, power-loving, power-usurping, power-abusing politicians. They are to be judged with all the responsibilities of cold-blooded sane men upon them. They are now on trial before their masters. The nation's verdict will be guilty-treasonably guilty.

6. What kind is the vengeance part of the new policy may be judged by the avowals of their party leaders in Congress.

One of them said that the rebels should not be treated like erring countrymen, but "as devils." "Not only their personal goods and their lives, but the fee simple of their lands must be taken from them." Another said, neither South Carolina, Georgia, or Florida "should reappear in the Union. Let these States be set apart as the home of the negro." Another, a Senator, said, "I am for desolation, I am for subjugation, and I am for the exercise of all the power that will crush these infernal, damnable fiends under our feet." Still another, who is one of the most respectable and temperate of their Senators, demanded uncondi tional submission, even if it require "a pathway of desolation from the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico.”

7. Unconditional submission is what has never been required or obtained in civil wars among civilized nations, except by the iron despotism of Russia. Unconditional submission to the tender mercies of unrestrained abolition hate is what we can never obtain. God forbid that we should. That would prove the Southern people unfit to be our countrymen, unworthy of readoption into the nation.

Not being endued with the radical hate of these men, the nation will teach them at the ballot-box that they are not to be indulged

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