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more painful; for it had unfortunately too much of truth, although as wilfully darkened and exaggerated as could be done by religious hatred and Spanish bombast. The Queen was surrounded by legions of deadly enemies. Spain, the Pope, the League, were united in one perpetual conspiracy against her; and they relied on the coöperation of those subjects of hers whom her own cruelty was converting into traitors.

We read with a shudder these gloomy secrets of conspiracy and wholesale murder, which make up the diplomatic history of the sixteenth century, and we cease to wonder that a woman, feeling herself so continually the mark at which all the tyrants and assassins of Europe were aiming-although not possessing perhaps the evidences of her peril so completely as they have been revealed to us-should come to consider every English Papist as a traitor and an assassin. It was unfortunate that she was not able to rise beyond the vile instincts of the age, and by a magnanimous and sublime toleration, to convert her secret enemies into loyal subjects.

And now Henry of Valois was to choose between league and counter-league, between Henry of Guise and Henry of Navarre, between France and Spain. The whole chivalry of Gascony and Guienne, the vast swarm of industrious and hardy Huguenot artisans, the Netherland rebels, the great English Queen, stood ready to support the cause of French nationality, and of all nationalities, against a threatening world-empire, of religious liberty against sacerdotal absolutism, and the crown of a King, whose only merit had hitherto been to acquiesce in a religious toleration dictated to him by others, against those who derided his authority and insulted his person. The bold knight-errant of Christendom, the champion to the utterance against Spain, stood there with lance in rest, and the King scarcely hesitated.

The League, gliding so long unheeded, now reared its crest in the very palace of France, and full in the monarch's face. With a single shudder the victim fell into its coils.

The choice was made. On the 18th of July the edict of

1585.

EDICT OF NEMOURS.

131

Nemours was published, 'revoking all previous edicts by which religious peace had been secured. Death and confiscation of property were now proclaimed as the penalty of practising any religious rites save those of the Roman Catholic Church. Six months were allowed to the Nonconformists to put their affairs in order, after which they were to make public profession of the Catholic religion, with regular attendance upon its ceremonies, or else go into perpetual exile. To remain in France without abjuring heresy was thenceforth a mortal crime, to be expiated upon the gallows. As a matter of course, all Huguenots were instantaneously incapacitated from public office, the mixed chambers of justice were abolished, and the cautionary towns were to be restored. On the other hand, the Guise faction were to receive certain cities into their possession, as pledges that this sanguinary edict should be fulfilled.1

Thus did Henry III. abjectly kiss the hand which smote him. His mother, having since the death of Anjou no further interest in affecting to favour the Huguenots, had 15th July, arranged the basis of this treaty with the Spanish 1585. party. And now the unfortunate King had gone solemnly down to the Parliament of Paris, to be present at the registration of the edict. The counsellors and presidents were all assembled, and as they sat there in their crimson robes, they seemed, to the excited imagination of those who loved their country, like embodiments of the impending and most sanguinary tragedy. As the monarch left the parliament-house a faint cry of 'God save the King' was heard in the street. Henry hung his head, for it was long since that cry had met his ears, and he knew that it was a false and languid demonstration which had been paid for by the Leaguers.

And thus was the compact signed—an unequal compact. Madam League was on horseback, armed in proof, said a contemporary; the King was on foot, and dressed in a shirt of penitence. The alliance was not an auspicious one. Not

2

1 De Thou, ix. 328, seq.

2 'L'Estoile,' 186.

peace, but a firebrand-facem, non pacem-had the King held forth to his subjects.1

When the news came to Henry of Navarre that the King had really promulgated this fatal edict, he remained for a time, with amazement and sorrow, leaning heavily upon a table, with his face in his right hand. When he raised his head again—so he afterwards asserted-one side of his moustachio had turned white.2

1585.

Meantime Gregory XIII., who had always refused to sanction the League, was dead, and Cardinal Peretti, under the 24th April, name of Sixtus V., now reigned in his place. Born of an illustrious house, as he said-for it was a house without a roof3-this monk of humble origin was of inordinate ambition. Feigning a humility which was but the cloak to his pride, he was in reality as grasping, self-seeking, and revengeful, as he seemed gentle and devout. It was inevitable that a pontiff of this character should seize the opportunity offered him to mimic Hildebrand, and to brandish on high the thunderbolts of the Church.

With a flaming prelude concerning the omnipotence delegated by Almighty God to St. Peter and his successors—an authority infinitely superior to all earthly powers—the decrees of which were irresistible alike by the highest and the meanest, and which hurled misguided princes from their thrones into the abyss, like children of Beelzebub, the Pope proceeded to fulminate his sentence of excommunication against those. children of wrath, Henry of Navarre and Henry of Condé. They were denounced as heretics, relapsed, and enemies of 28th Aug., God. The King was declared dispossessed of his 1585. principality of Bearne, and of what remained to him of Navarre. He was stripped of all dignities, privileges, and property, and especially proclaimed incapable of ever ascending the throne of France.1

4

The Bearnese replied by a clever political squib. A terse

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1585.

EXCOMMUNICATION OF NAVARRE-HIS REPLY.

133

and spirited paper found its way to Rome, and was soon affixed to the statutes of Pasquin and Marforio, and in other public places of that city, and even to the gates of the papal palace. Without going beyond his own doors, his Holiness had the opportunity of reading, to his profound amazement, that Mr. Sixtus, calling himself Pope, had foully and maliciously lied in calling the King of Navarre a heretic. This Henry offered to prove before any free council legitimately chosen. If the Pope refused to submit to such decision, he was himself no better than excommunicate and Antechrist, and the King of Navarre thereby declared mortal and perpetual war upon him. The ancient kings of France had known how to chastise the insolence of former popes, and he hoped, when he ascended the throne, to take vengeance on Mr. Sixtus for the insult thus offered to all the kings of Christendom-and so on, in a vein which showed the Bearnese to be a man rather amused than blasted by these papal fireworks.1

Sixtus V., though imperious, was far from being dull. He knew how to appreciate a man when he found one, and he rather admired the cheerful attitude maintained by Navarre, as he tossed back the thunderbolts. He often spoke afterwards of Henry with genuine admiration, and declared that in all the world he knew but two persons fit to wear a crown— Henry of Navarre and Elizabeth of England. ""Twas pity," he said, "that both should be heretics.""

And thus the fires of civil war had been lighted throughout Christendom, and the monarch of France had thrown himself head foremost into the flames.

Perefixe,
The last-

1 1 De Thou, ix. 376-378. 62, 63. 'L'Estoile,' 190. named writer declares himself the author of this famous answer to the bull of Sixtus:

"Au susdit ecrit, fait par l'auteur des presens memoires, on a fait faire

du palais de Paris un voyage à Rome,
ou l'on l'a mis, signifié, et affiché, et
l'a t on inseré aux recueils de ce tems,
imprimes à la Rochelle, tant la vanité
et curiosité de ce tems estoit grande."
2 De Thou, Perefixe, ubi sup.

CHAPTER V.

Position and Character of Farnese Preparations for Antwerp Siege - Its Characteristics Foresight of William the Silent-Sainte Aldegonde, the Burgomaster Anarchy in Antwerp Character of Sainte Aldegonde Admiral Treslong-Justinus de Nassau - Hohenlo Opposition to the Plan of Orange Liefkenshoek - Head-Quarters of Parma at KallooDifficulty of supplying the City Results of not piercing the Dykes - Preliminaries of the Siege Successes of the Spaniards - Energy of Farnese with Sword and Pen - His Correspondence with the Antwerpers - Progress of the Bridge Impoverished Condition of Parma Patriots attempt Boisle-Duc- Their Misconduct Failure of the Enterprise The Scheldt Bridge completed - Description of the Structure - Position of Alexander and his Army La Motte attempts in vain Ostend — Patriots gain Liefkenshoek - Projects of Gianibelli Alarm on the Bridge The Fire Ships The Explosion — Its Results Its Results - Death of the Viscount of Ghent- Perpetual Anxiety of Farnese-Impoverished State of the Spaniards — Intended Attack of the Kowenstyn - Second Attack of the Kowenstyn A Landing effected A sharp Combat — The Dyke pierced — Rally of the Spaniards - Parma comes to the Rescue Fierce Struggle on the Dyke - The Spaniards successful - Premature Triumph at Antwerp Defeat of the Patriots-The Ship War's End - Despair of the Citizens-Sainte Aldegonde discouraged - His Critical Position - His Negotiations with the Enemy Correspondence with Richardot - Commotion in the City - Interview of Marnix with Parma Suspicious Conduct of Marnix Deputation to the Prince Oration of Marnix-Private Views of Parma Capitulation of Antwerp- Mistakes of Marnix-Philip on the Religious Question Triumphal Entrance of Alexander - Rebuilding of the Citadel - Gratification of Philip - Note on Sainte Aldegonde.

THE negotiations between France and the Netherlands have been massed, in order to present a connected and distinct view of the relative attitude of the different countries of Europe. The conferences and diplomatic protocolling had resulted in nothing positive; but it is very necessary for the reader to understand the negative effects of all this dissimulation and palace-politics upon the destiny of the new commonwealth, and upon Christendom at large. The League had now achieved a great triumph; the King of France had virtually abdicated, and it was now requisite for the King of Navarre, the Netherlands, and Queen Elizabeth, to draw

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